Wide Eyes but Deaf Ears

Britain After July 7

It has been one year since the tragic events of July 7, 2005 in London.

Young Muslims

In relation to Muslim minorities, observations in many parts of western Europe are remarkably similar. If one breaks down the everyday realities of young Muslims, it is possible to compartmentalize the layers. At the local level, there are critical issues of economic, social, and political marginalization, alienation, and disfranchisement.  

Young Muslims live in local economic contexts that necessarily place them at a disadvantage. The seeds of discontent are sown in the everyday realties Muslims face, whether it is the neighborhood, school, hospital, place of work, or in local civic spaces. Muslims who live in the inner cities are often severely socio-economically deprived. 

Nationally, as the elite move more and more to the political right, the notions of nation-state and loyalty to a national cultural identity increasingly move to the forefront. This is irrespective of the fact that the meaning of being English, British, or European is in a constant state of flux. Certainly, rumblings made in relation to the idea that Western Europe is indeed a club of Christian nation-states does not bode well with its minority of 20 million Muslims or with   Turkey  , as it prepares for entry into the European Union to potentially become its largest member.

One essential concern that has fallen on deaf ears is the call for an official inquiry.

There is a genuine problem of persistent and rampant Islamophobia, which is the  negative portrayal of Muslims in media and political discourse through the painting of Islam and Muslims as homogenous, regressive, and closed. The provincial and national presses are often replete with negative stories written and presented in an alarmist, sensationalist, and reactionary tone. This occurs in many major newspapers across societies, and in   Britain  , writers such as Melanie Phillips, David Aaronovitch, Nick Cohen, and Polly Toynbee are a few prominent examples.

One does not have to think too far in the distant past to remember the huge fuss that took place over the Danish anti-Prophet Muhammad cartoons. Rather than the offense they caused to Muslims or issues related to the meaning of sacredness for certain faith groups, news media and segments of the political establishment focused more on the reaction to the cartoons by certain Muslim organizations, both at home and abroad.

In particular, much attention was given to the 200-strong demonstration that was held in   London  on February 3, 2006 and that raised a number of disconcerted eyebrows across the globe. This was rightly so because the protestors held up placards that read "Butcher those who mock Islam," "Kill those who insult Islam," "Europe, you will pay, your 9/11 is on the way," or "7/7 is on its way," "Europe, you will pay, bin Laden is on his way," and " Europe , you'll come crawling when the Mujahideen come roaring."

War on Terror   

The continuing "war on terror," a politico-ideological project buttressed by unprecedented military might as a response to the events of September 11, 2001, has placed Muslims in an ever more precarious position. Dictated by a neo-conservative ultra-capitalistic philosophy of "freedom" and "democracy," Blair was bamboozled into taking the nation into a war that no one wanted except for Bush and Company.  

The British nation, for all its privileged status on the world stage, effectively and grossly exaggerated the threats from   Iraq  , scaremongering Parliament into submission. It has turned out to be the biggest disaster of British foreign policy in its history. The tactics of "shock and awe" are isolated memories, relegated to the vaults of war studies memorabilia.  

Meanwhile,   Iraq  implodes before the world. In  Britain , in his video suicide message aired in September 2005, Mohammad Sidique Khan categorically stated that the bombings of July 7, 2005, were done because of   Iraq  and that he was "a solider" in a war defending "his people." At present, the horrors of   Guantanamo  Bay  , Abu Gharib, Fallujah, and Haditha are sharp reminders of the suffering of Muslims at the hands of an illegal invading force. As the state continues its legal, social, and cultural assault on Muslims with its attempts to ever strengthen draconian anti-terror legislation at home while fighting Muslims "insurgents" abroad, many more young Muslims are being radicalized.   

Young Muslims live in local economic contexts that necessarily place them at a disadvantage.

The British state has determined a range of responses to the events of July 7, 2005, but one essential concern that has fallen on deaf ears is the call for an official inquiry. This is exacerbated by the fact that the state completely dismisses any link between home-grown terrorism and foreign policy, particularly in relation to activities in Muslim lands.  

Indeed, the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), as part of a program to engage the Muslim world, routinely sends scholars, academics, community leaders, and high-ranking members of influential civil organizations across the Muslim world to elaborate on the British Muslim experience. This has certainly benefited a few recognized individuals, including myself, but the problem is that when these few accepted "moderates" utter disagreements with foreign policy, they are no longer considered to be appropriate exemplars of "good British Muslims" and are seen more as agitators.

Extremism  

In attempts to directly tackle extremism, the state has orchestrated the setting up of the Mosques and Imams National Advisory Board (MINAB). Formally launched at the end of June 2006, this body consists of members from the Al-Khoei Foundation, Muslim Council of Britain, Muslim Association of Britain, and the British Muslim Forum. MINAB is a tremendous step in the right direction.  

First, MINAB spells Muslim ownership over an important set of issues. Second, it shows the importance of Muslims building consensus with other Muslims — something that has been significantly lacking up until recently. However, the national "road show" of high profile Muslim scholars has had its own problems, largely because of certain Muslim voices that object to it. 

In the final analysis, with the state making its moves through the empowerment and incorporation of a burgeoning professional — and more importantly what is regarded as moderate — middle class of Muslims, there have been some gains particularly in how this process has positively engaged young people and Muslim women.

Muslim Organizations 

At the level of the community — which is differentiated by ethnicity, culture, social class, region, and sect — a number of Muslim community organizations are working at the grassroots level, and these projects are delivering some valuable outcomes. As developments emerge in the light of concerted efforts to confront the problems of extremism, what will remain important are issues that exist at the heart of the problem.  

For most Muslims in   Britain  there is pernicious socio-economic exclusion. As structural preconditions emerge to permit education, jobs, and housing opportunities, only then will groups value their presence in society, becoming engaged citizens in the framework of an ever-evolving national politico-cultural paradigm.  

The Nation-State   

At the level of the nation-state as a whole, popular discourse has been focusing on culturally essentialist notions of "the Muslim," for example, based on the problems of arranged marriages, cultural relativism, and self-styled segregation. It is a blame-the-victim pathology that is subliminally inculcated by the majority society.

In a hostile local, national, and international climate, susceptible young Muslims are easily targeted by radical Islamists, either directly or indirectly, often through the Internet and other forms of media. The violent radical Islamist ideology appeals to these young people because of its political and theological context, however improperly legitimized.

The ideology is also fuelled by the actions of world power nation-states and their approaches to foreign policy as well as how they go about effectively integrating Muslim minorities at home. The 2004  Madrid and 2005   London bombings are testimonies of this. Unless greater efforts to tackle the structural issues and politico-ideological constructs of Muslims are undertaken, the potential threat of Islamic political radicalism will remain.

Dr. Tahir Abbas is a senior lecturer in sociology and the director of the Centre for the Study of Ethnicity and Culture, University of Birmingham. He is working on his forthcoming book, British Islam (Cambridge University Press).