Demonstrating for Gaza in Cairo

Reflections of a Demonstrator

Despite breaking political acquiescence, demonstrators have yet to develop more consistent coherent discourse, Jan. 2009 (Reuters photos)

Being uninvolved in any specific political party, association, or the like, I could not know whether anyone was going to demonstrate.

At that point, I was going to join basically any one that I hear was going to stand up for protest. Then I heard that the Muslim Brotherhood was arranging a demonstration at the Syndicate of Journalists. Amid my internal conflict —since I am not a brotherhood member— I went. And to my satisfaction, it was a symbolic experience in many aspects.

Internal Conflict

As I expected, many other political groups and affiliations were present. There were the Hezb El-Karamah — a pan-Arab nationalist party—, the Nasserites —Egypt’s socialist partisans and the followers of late President Nasser, university students and more.

And, as some news programs showed, people on the streets joined in when they saw any stand. So, despite being only around 6 thousand in the protest—which seemed like a small number considering the 70-million-Egyptian population, the congregation was representative of a wide array of Egyptians.

In 2003, when American and British troops were about to invade Iraq, I got a similar invitation for an organized stand at the Cairo International Stadium.

I was told that it was a coalition of Egyptian opposition but the demonstration had a full attendee and domination of Muslim Brotherhood members —the ruling party’s most strident rivals who won 88 seats as independent candidates in the 2005 Parliamentary elections despite being dubbed "illegal" by the government.

The huge number of Muslim Brotherhood protesters imposes itself on the scene and communicates a message of betrayal to other opposition-party members as some opposition leaders declared in different occasions.

And the practical fact remains that a demonstration in coalition with the Muslim Brotherhood is a demonstration under their flag.

Similarly, during recent demonstrations for Gaza, the Muslim Brotherhood members raised slogans that any Muslim would not disagree with. Amid the calls, they included their motto of "God is our aim, Qur’an is our legislation, and death for the sake of Allah is our most sublime hope".

Literally, I agreed with the words, yet practically, I disagreed with some of the ways some Muslim Brotherhood members managed situations and behaved on the ground.

I wanted to join the call, but would that mean that I support the Muslim Brotherhood? These slogans —although essentially unproblematic— present many Muslims with the problem of polarization: that if you are not with us, you are against us. And, if you are against”us", you are by implication short of your duty toward "Islam", which is not true by any means.

Blaming Muslim Brotherhood

But the Muslim Brotherhood is not to be blamed for gathering the public around it in demonstrations for Gaza. Regardless of whatever disagreements one might have with the Muslim Brotherhood, they are the most organized.

If there is anything to regret, it is the lack of other platforms for young enthusiastic people who want to stop being passive about everything of their life.

If there is anyone to blame for the thriving, overriding Muslim Brotherhood presence, it is the government that has turned the political environment in Egypt into a barren land where people find nowhere for active participation except by joining the Muslim Brotherhood.

Actually, without the presence of the Muslim Brotherhood police forces would have been in trouble. The absence of some organizing umbrella would not have forced people to avoid protest but would have brought about haphazard violence.

So, it was to everyone’s best interest that the Brotherhood was there.

Seeing the numbers of angry people at the protest, security forces had the right to be at high alert.

Any chaotic action in this overcrowded scene is highly dangerous to everyone. If these flocks decide to hurt themselves or anyone, the police force —no matter what they do —will hardly be able to control the situation. The result would be similar to the recent riots in Greece.

But by some provident miracle, the multitude was kept in extreme self restraint.

The Herds

And proudly enough, these were not "herds" of brainless protestors. These were people who were very well aware of what they were there for.

The calls included demands to open the Rafah crossing between Egypt and Gaza, close the Israeli embassy in Cairo, expel the Israeli ambassador, and bring down rulers, accusing them of  being "cowards".

During all this, people were very enthusiastic when the calls and slogans had to do with struggling or jihad alongside Palestine. They were somewhat supportive when there was a call to free Egypt so that Palestine can be freed, but they did not follow when this was taken too far.

They were utterly uncooperative when needless insults were hurled. What I want to say is that there were not simply angry slogans, but a group of conscious protesters who make political choices about what to say and what not to.

On the other hand, I wondered deep down how many of these enthusiastic callers would stand when it is time for serious action.

They were calling that they are ready to give their lives to Palestine that they were all Hamas, and that they would continue to stand until the situation changes.

But would they be up to their enthusiastic promises? Despite appreciating their efforts, I had doubts about at least half of these promises.

The Demands

They say for a demonstration to have any weight, it must have clear demands. In that sense, the speakers tried to be clear, yet they did not have the right demands.

I agree with the Egyptian foreign affairs officials that expelling the Israeli ambassador and closing the embassy are merely theatrical moves and sooner or later, diplomatic relations are resumed.

On the other hand, now that the governmental apathy let things reach a point where not much else can be done, such a move may be needed to appease the anger of nations.

I also questioned the reality and soundness of another call, namely allowing Egyptians to go to Gaza engaging in jihad alongside Palestinians.

However, it may be true that Arabs and Muslims in their overwhelming numbers — aided by faith — can beat the Israeli military machine , albeit with great loss in human lives. Yet, can we actually take such risks?

Long term demands like freezing treaties of gas exports to Israel are in my view the useful ones. Opening the crossings — which were closed — was another demand that was carried out as I write this article.

Some calls referred to the essence of the problem, oppression, which Journalist Ramzy Baroud referred to in a recent article. An oppressed, defeated people can neither help themselves nor another people.

They did not call for improving the economic conditions, building strong infrastructure, establishing strong industries, or building a nation.

They did not tell everyone to do their best each in their position or job. That, to me, was the essential call for Egyptians, Arabs and Muslims. But that core demand was not implemented by the Egyptian government nor mentioned by the opposition leaders, which still leaves much in common between them.

The next day we were prevented from protesting. Central Security forces blocked all the streets leading to the demonstration area.

Yosra Mostafa is a graduate of the Department of English, Faculty of Languages, Ain Shams University, Egypt. She is interested in the issues of youth, women, and community-development and has worked with a number of organizations and charities on voluntary-basis. Contact Politics.indepth@iolteam.com to reach her.