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Footnotes:
| 1 |
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S. P. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1968).
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| 2 |
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I prefer the terms modernist and traditionalist to distinguish between the two broad streams of Muslim political thought and practice, without engaging here in the sterile debate of identifying who is a fundamentalist.
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| 3 |
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See Kamal Azfar, "Constitutional Dilemmas in Pakistan," in Pakistan Under the Military: Eleven Years of Zia ul-Haq, eds. S. J. Burki and C. Baxter (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1991).
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| 4 |
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See, for instance, T. Ali, Can Pakistan Survive? (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1983).
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| 5 |
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H. R. Isaacs, Idols of the Tribe: Group Identity and Political Change (New York: Harper & Row, 1977), chapter 3.
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| 6 |
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A. D. Smith, The Ethnic Revival (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 66.
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| 7 |
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P. Worsley, The Three Worlds: Culture and World Development (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1984), 247.
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| 8 |
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K. B. Sayeed, Pakistan: The Formative Phase 1857-1948 (London: Oxford University Press, 1968), 279.
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| 9 |
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A. B. Keith, A Constitutional History of India 1600-1935 (London: Methuen & Co., 1937), 331-38.
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| 10 |
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Cited in J. Ahmad, Speeches and Writings of Mr. Jinnah (Lahore: Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, 1968), 2:449.
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| 11 |
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On the personnel structure of the Pakistan army, its recruiting pattern, and regional representation, see S. Cohen, The Pakistan Army (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), and H. A. Rizvi, The Military & Politics in Pakistan 1947-1986 (Lahore: Progressive Publishers, 1987).
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| 12 |
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Rizvi, The Military, 137.
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| 13 |
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R. Jahan, Pakistan: Failure in National Integration (New York: Columbia Univer-sity Press, 1972), 26.
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| 14 |
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Cohen, The Pakistan Army, 44.
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| 15 |
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H. A. R. Gibb, ed. Whither Islam? A Survey of Modern Movements in the Moslem World (London: Victor Gollancz, 1932), 319.
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| 16 |
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It is interesting to note that Muslim nationalism of the League in undivided India was somewhat analogous to the Zionism of European Jews before the creation of Israel. In both instances, secular nationalists mobilized religious sentiments and cultural notions of nationhood for secular political purpose and were opposed, respectively, by Muslim traditionalists and religious Jews. Regarding Muslim opposition to the Pakistan Movement, see Zia ul-Hasan Faruqi, The Deoband School and the Demand for Pakistan (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1963), and Barbara D. Metcalf, Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband 1860-1900 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982). For a representative collection of dissenting voices, regarding Jewish religious and nonreligious opposition to Zionism, Michael Selzer, ed., Zionism Reconsidered (New York: Macmil-lan, 1970).
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| 17 |
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See F. Shaikh, Community and Consensus in Islam: Muslim Representation in Colonial India, 1860-1947 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1989), and P. Hardy, The Muslims of British India (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1972).
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| 18 |
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C. J. Friedrich, Constitutional Government and Democracy, (Waltham, MA.: Blaisdell Publishing Company, 1937; 4th edition 1968), 9.
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| 19 |
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Ibid., 8.
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| 20 |
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C. J. Friedrich, Transcendent Justice (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1964), chapter 1.
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| 21 |
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K. C. Wheare, Modern Constitutions rev. ed. (London: Oxford University Press, 1966), 56.
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| 22 |
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See H. L. A. Hart, The Concept of Law (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1961), 64-69.
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| 23 |
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E. Shils, The Constitution of Society (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1972), 93-94.
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| 24 |
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Wheare, Modern Constitutions, 66.
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| 25 |
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H. A. R. Gibb, Modern Trends in Islam (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1978),
69-70.
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| 26 |
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On this issue it is well worth noting Wilfred Cantwell Smith, who was a witness to the demand for Pakistan. Smith wrote, ". . . in 1940, partly for their own purposes, a political party of middle-class Indo-Muslims proposed the Pakistan idea. For some decades leadership in the society had lain with those whose orientation was largely not traditionally Islamic but Westernizing and novel. It was the lower classes and other non-Westernizers who most vividly preserved and warmly cherished the inherited ideals. The modernizing bourgeoisie had to some extent lost touch with the tradition; or they harboured its dreams only vaguely, feeling somewhat their impetus but unable to formulate it. Their own dreams were largely of their immediate interests and ambitions. At the very least, they had added to their inherited ideals much new-fashioned baggage recently acquired. They were hardly in a position to give precise leadership to the popular religious urge. Yet the enthusiasm elicited was widespread and powerful, almost frenzied, when the leadership that they did proffer aimed at something that the rest of the community generally could and did interpret as a programme to realize the splendid, long-standing vision of Islam." Islam in Modern History (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977), 209-10.
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| 27 |
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On the concept of Islamic state, see for instance F. Hassan, The Concept of State and Law in Islam (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1981); A. A. Kurdi, The Islamic State: A Study Based on the Islamic Holy Constitution (London: Mansell Publishing, 1984); and E. I. J. Rosenthal, Islam in the Modern National State (Cambridge, UK: Cam-bridge University Press, 1958).
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| 28 |
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Constituent Assembly of Pakistan Debates (Karachi: Government of Pakistan Press), 5:3, p. 45.
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| 29 |
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Mawlana A. A. Mawdudi, The Islamic Law and Constitution (Lahore: Islamic Publications Ltd., 1955; reprint 1983), 138-39.
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| 30 |
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It is instructive to note that the fathers of the American revolution and the authors of the Declaration of Independence and the constitution recognized and invoked the principle of a higher authority. They made no mistake, as wrote Jefferson, that "all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator (my emphasis) with certain unalienable Rights," that fundamental human rights originate from a higher authority and they set limit to the authority of those in power.
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| 31 |
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Mawdudi, Islamic Law, 258. See Rosenthal, Islam, 137-53, for an orientalist discussion of Mawdudi's views.
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| 32 |
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H. Turabi, "Islam, Democracy, the State and the West," Middle East Policy 1, no. 3 (1992): 49-61.
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| 33 |
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Ibid., 52.
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| 34 |
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Mawdudi, Islamic Law, 258-59.
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| 35 |
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M. Iqbal, The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam (London: Oxford University Press, 1934), 157.
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| 36 |
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G. Austin, The Indian Constitution: Cornerstone of a Nation (London: Oxford University Press, 1966), 39-41.
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| 37 |
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See L. Binder, Religion and Politics in Pakistan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963); also G. W. Choudhury, Constitutional Development in Pakistan (London: Longman Group Ltd, 1969).
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| 38 |
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G. W. Choudhury, Pakistan: Transition from Military Rule to Civilian Rule (Essex, UK: Scorpion Publishing Ltd, 1988), 129-52.
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| 39 |
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H. Alavi, "Ethnicity, Muslim Society and the Pakistan Ideology," in Islamic Reassertion in Pakistan, ed. A. M. Weiss (Lahore: Vanguard Books Pvt. Ltd., 1987), 22; (emphasis in original).
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| 40 |
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See I. Rehman, Public Opinion and Political Development in Pakistan 1947-1958 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1982), chapter 3.
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| 41 |
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See K. B. Sayeed, The Political System of Pakistan (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1967), chapter 4, 60-93.
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| 42 |
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O. Noman, Pakistan: Political and Economic History Since 1947 (London: Kegan Paul International, 1988), 10.
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| 43 |
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For an account of this "revolution" from the top, see H. Feldman, Revolution in Pakistan: A Study of the Martial Law Administration (London: Oxford University Press, 1967).
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| 44 |
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See A. Gauhar, Ayub Khan: Pakistan's First Military Ruler (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 1994). This is a new and important biography by a senior civil servant and head of the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting in the military regime; he assisted Ayub Khan in the preparation of his memoir, Friends Not Masters.
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| 45 |
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Ibid., 158-59.
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| 46 |
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See Mahbub ul Haq, The Poverty Curtain: Choices for the Third World (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), esp. 27-36. His critique is of interest, since he was the
chief economist of the planning commission in Pakistan during the Ayub era.
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| 47 |
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Sayeed, Political System, chapter 5. On the nature of Ayub Khan's constitutional scheme and the provision of the 1962 constitution, see Feldman, Revolution in Pakistan; also E. A. Schuler and K. R. Schuler, Public Opinion and Constitution Making in Pakistan 1958-1962 (Michigan State University Press, 1966); and L. Ziring, The Ayub Khan Era: Politics in Pakistan 1958-1969 (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1971).
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| 48 |
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Ayub Khan, Friends Not Masters (London: Oxford University Press, 1967), 190.
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| 49 |
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Ibid., 199. For Ayub Khan's less-than-positive view of the ulama, especially those who engaged in politics before and after 1947 to oppose, first, the demand for Pakistan, and then the modernist leadership of the Muslim League under Jinnah and his successors, see Friends Not Masters, 199-207.
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| 50 |
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Huntington, Political Order, 251.
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| 51 |
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Gauhar, Ayub Khan, 179-90.
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| 52 |
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H. Alavi, "Politics of Ethnicity in India and Pakistan," in Sociology of "Developing Societies": South Asia, eds. H. Alavi and J. Harriss (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1989), 222.
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| 53 |
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It is interesting to compare the response of the Algerian generals to the Algerian election of December 1991 with that of the Pakistani generals to the election in Pakistan twenty-one years earlier. Like their counterparts in Pakistan, the action of the Algerian generals to deny the Islamic Salvation Front, winners at the poll, its right to form a government plunged Algeria into a bitter, bloody, and divisive civil war as the one that sundered Pak-istan. In both instances, the military organized the national elections, conducted them, and then repudiated the results for not being to their liking.
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| 54 |
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Gauhar, Ayub Khan, 488.
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| 55 |
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Alavi, "Politics of Ethnicity."
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| 56 |
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On Mujib's constitution-making, see M. Ahmed, Era of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (Dhaka: University Press Ltd, 1983), chapter 4.
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| 57 |
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On the radicalization of Bangladeshi politics and its aftermath, see L. Lifschultz, Bangladesh: The Unfinished Revolution (London: Zed Press, 1979); also see T. Maniruz-zaman, The Bangladesh Revolution and its Aftermath (Dhaka: Bangladesh Books Inter-national, 1980).
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| 58 |
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On the killing of Mujib and the bloody aftermath of coups that followed, see A. Mascarenhas, Bangladesh: A Legacy of Blood (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1986).
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| 59 |
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See L. Ziring, Bangladesh: From Mujib to Ershad (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1992).
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| 60 |
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Regarding Bhutto's constitutional restructuring of Pakistan after 1971, see S. J. Burki, Pakistan Under Bhutto, 1971-1977, 2d ed. (London: Macmillan Press, 1988), chapter 5.
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| 61 |
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Ibid.
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| 62 |
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On Bhutto's political and personal fortunes see S. Wolpert, Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan: His Life and Times (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); and S. Taseer, Bhutto: A Political Biography (London: Ithaca Press, 1979).
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| 63 |
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U. Phadnis, Ethnicity and Nation-building in South Asia (New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1989), 37-39. Also see S. J. Burki, Pakistan: The Continuing Search for Nationhood (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1991), 23-34; and Noman, Pakistan, part 3, chapter 4.
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| 64 |
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On the communal and sectarian violence in Karachi involving the muhajir community and the role of the MQM, see Christina Lamb, Waiting for Allah: Benazir Bhutto and Pakistan (London: Penguin Books, 1992), chapter 8.
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| 65 |
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See P. R. Brass, The Politics of India since Independence (Cambridge, UK: Cam-bridge University Press, 1990), chapter 5.
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| 66 |
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Aristotle, Politics, book 3, chapter 6.
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| 67 |
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A. Arblaster, Democracy (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987).
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| 68 |
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C. B. Macpherson, The Real World of Democracy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966), 1.
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