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Muslims In France

By Juliane Hammer
Islam Online, Berlin, Germany

Muslim immigrants to France came mainly from Algeria until the early sixties, which was still a French colony at that time. French employers preferred workers from Southern European countries, but the Algerian men mostly kept on crossing the Mediterranean. As France traditionally had no coordinated labor immigration policy, workers kept on coming from other North African countries such as Morocco and Tunisia as well.

In response to economic periods of depression such as in 1974, the border controls were rapidly tightened, but in the late eighties, the government had to admit the failure of organized labor immigration. The highest numbers of Muslim immigrants in France originate from Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia with two other substantial groups besides them, Muslims from Sub-Saharan West Africa and Turks. France had signed a labor agreement with the Turkish government in 1966, but only the early seventies saw a substantial influx of Turks into France.

One other group of immigrants that is worth mentioning is the so-called 'harkis' (Muslims of Algerian origin who had to leave Algeria after independence because they were in one way or the other affiliated with the French colonial power). As they were kept for a long time in special camps, their integration into French society progressed slowly. French statistics do not show religious affiliation, so the numbers are estimates based on the numbers of foreign citizens residing in France from their respective countries. Estimates of the late eighties show about 3 million Muslims in France, a newer one of last year puts the number at 4.1 million, which is about 7% of the French population. That is the highest percentage of Muslims in a Western European country.

For a long time, the French citizenship law declared every individual born on French territory a French citizen. Therefore, the children of Muslim immigrants (in most cases also Muslims) have to be added to the estimates. Most Muslims in France live in and around industrial centers such as Paris, Marseilles, Lyons and Lille. As many Muslims are part of the unskilled or semi-skilled work force in France, they tend to live in the suburbs where the living conditions are rather difficult and the crime rates high.

The concentration of Muslims and problems in these areas led to the denomination of these areas as "Suburbs of Islam." As more and more young Muslims not only realize the discrimination and disadvantage in the system (especially for education and employment) the protest movements increasingly base their critique on a renewed Muslim identity. A significant number of Muslim immigrants are to be found in the professions and important positions. France probably has the highest number of converts to Islam, although reliable figures are impossible to give. Estimates lie at approximately 50 to 70 000.

As one of its basic principles of state, France has the lyceest system (a total disconnection between state and religion). Among the aspects of this state, there are no such things as tax exemptions or an accepted status of any religious community. Consequently, Muslim groups and associations can only be organized according to the law of associations, which applies to French citizens as well as foreign residents in France. In 1939, the law had been limited due to a growing number of Fascist organizations. These restrictions were only lifted in 1981. After that year, a high number of new Muslim associations and organizations were officially registered although many of them had existed before. An estimated number of 1000 mosques in the late eighties must have risen after the mid nineties, which saw an increase in Muslim activities on many levels.

The permission to slaughter animals according to Islamic requirements is difficult to achieve because the French law demands a religious authority to prove the necessity for exemption from the general laws for slaughtering. Because of the organizational structure of the Muslim community, no such authority could be provided. Islamic slaughtering still takes place, mostly with special permission from district officials. France even exports poultry with the label 'halal slaughtered' on it.

Organizations of Muslims are organized mainly according to national groups. This is especially characteristic of the ones operating on a countrywide level. Some of them have a clearly Muslim agenda, whereas others just support mosque building and community programs as part of their duty for the respective ethnic community. There are the Algerian organizations, Turkish and Moroccan ones often related to different political movements and parties in the country of origin. France has the largest presence of Sufi orders in Western Europe, with groups such as the Mourides tariqas (from Senegal and Mali), the Naqshbandis (mostly Turkish) and several Zawiyas (Algerian origin). No umbrella organization has been successfully organized despite several attempts from different organizations. There is also no official dialogue between the churches and Muslim groups.

The French school system does not allow any religious instruction in the schools, so Muslim communities and parents had to find other ways of providing Muslim education. There are a number of 'free schools,' schools run by the Catholic Church or the Jewish community, but no Muslim schools have been established yet. Children who go to these free schools (a minority of Muslim families can afford that) get religious instruction, and some of these schools even allow Muslim teachers for their Muslim pupils.

The teaching of Arabic and Qur'an has been established in mosques and community centers outside of the state school system. Several conflicts about Muslim girls wearing headscarves in school and physical education classes in particular arose in the late eighties. These conflicts reached their high point with the 'hijab affair' in 1989. The prevention of Muslim students from entering their school caused protest from Muslim youth groups as well as anti-discrimination groups in France. This led to a number of big demonstrations and fierce discussions in the media.

By some 'experts,' it was styled into the Islamic danger rising in France. The Muslim community, especially the young people, took the incident as a chance to express growing frustration about cultural and religious marginalization and discrimination in French society. A growth of right wing movements in some parts of France that is often related to xenophobic and discriminating slogans against Muslims of these areas, shows that there is increasing tension and a development that disintegrates French society

Juliane Hammer is a freelance writer from Berlin, Germany. She is also a Ph.D. candidate in Islamic Studies at University of Humboldt in Berlin. For feedback,
e-mail
hayati222@yahoo.com



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