On the anniversary of 9/11, the BJP has rolled out its carpet for the Israeli Prime Minister… We, the democratic people of India, can neither accept the BJP’s communally distorted vision of our country, nor the alliance with Sharon, who is the leader of one of the most racist, colonial regimes in existence today.¹ – Ranjit Abhigyan, The Communist Party of India

I think, if this axis is directed against Muslims all over the world, and if it is directed against Pakistan and Pakistani Muslims, we would be most concerned and it would be a very negative development.² – Masood Khan, Pakistani Foreign Ministry

The post-September 11^th world has witnessed two major wars fought in Afghanistan and Iraq with major repercussions on international and regional balances of power, national threat perceptions, and strategic alliance patterns in the Middle East. The region did not only have to endure two major wars, but it also had to witness Israel’s genocidal campaign against the Palestinians continue unchecked by any international intervention. Regional conferences were held to legitimize the new pax-Americana in the Middle East and to bolster the new pro-US, pro-Israeli configuration of power. As a result, Arab and Islamic states and societies found themselves increasingly marginalized as they became targets for some kind of regime or societal change spearheaded by the US in its global quest for hegemony. More importantly, dictatorial governments facing domestic opposition and/or states facing resistance groups seeking independence used the convenient cliché – fighting terrorism – to deny their opponents any political rights and to justify brutal policies aimed at liquidating their opponents.

One of the important manifestations of September 11^th has been the strengthening of Israeli-Indian relations. The ultra-nationalist governments in both countries sought to capitalize on the Islamophobic atmosphere which pervaded the globe after September 11^th in order to brutally crush Islamic movements seeking independence in Palestine and Kashmir. Recently, Ariel Sharon became the first Israeli Prime Minister to visit India when he arrived in New Delhi on September 8^th. Indian forces sealed off key areas in New Delhi days before Sharon’s arrival in a major security operation not seen since US President Bill Clinton visited India in March 2000. Sharon, heading a 150 member delegation including top Israeli arms dealers, held talks with senior Indian leaders and business groups.

More importantly, a senior official traveling with Sharon explained that Israel, India and the United States are interested in establishing a “strategic triangle.” He also added that the once-secretive ties between Israel and India have become more open after September 11^th, which he described as “a watershed event that created a new opportunity to create stronger ties between India, Israel and the United States.”³ The Indian Premier, Atal Behari Vajpayee, was equally welcoming of his Israeli counterpart, declaring that Sharon’s visit would give a new shape to Israeli-Indian relations and bring the two countries closer.

The visit sparked fury among India’s 130 million Muslims and from members of India’s far-left. Thousands of Muslims led a march from New Delhi’s largest mosque to the Israeli embassy, and India’s chief Islamic cleric called the Israeli premier: “the man behind all the savage and brutal activities of Israel against Palestinian Muslims.”⁴

Sharon’s visit also alarmed Palestinian leaders who expressed concern over the growing relations between Israel and India. In an interview published in The Hindu newspaper, Palestinian Foreign Minister Nabil Shaath criticized proposals by India for closer cooperation with Israel and the US on fighting terrorism. He suggested that identifying with the Israeli logic that considers Palestinian resistance a form of terrorism puts India in a position of being anti-Palestinian.⁵ In addition, Pakistani officials noted that the Israeli-Indian axis would be regarded as an anti-Muslim alliance and that Israel’s arms sales to India would alter the already delicate balance of power in the subcontinent.⁶

From Estrangement to Convergence: Israeli-Indian Relations

On January 29^th, 1992, India became the last major non-Arab/non-Islamic state to establish formal diplomatic relations with Israel. Despite prolonged contacts between both sides and a gradual détente, India’s policy towards Israel tended in most cases to be unfriendly. Despite the fact that India recognized Israel in 1950, India’s foreign policy orientation remained pro-Arab due to its large Muslim population and the non-aligned, anti-imperialist stance taken by the Indian Congress Party. In fact, neither Gandhi nor Nehru was willing to endorse Zionist aspirations in Palestine, and both regarded Israel as part and parcel of Western imperialism.

Arab-Indian relations were significantly bolstered after the 1956 Suez Crisis due to Afro-Asian solidarity based on anti-colonialism, Israel’s increasing identification with imperial powers, and the growing friendship between Nehru and Egyptian leader Gamal Abdul Nasser. Also, Israel and India were entrenched in opposite camps during the Cold War; Israel was firmly supported by the US, and India received substantial amounts of military aid from the Soviet Union. During the 1970s, India’s growing dependence on the Middle East for energy and the presence of substantial numbers of Indian laborers in Gulf States bolstered India’s pro-Arab orientation. However, after Rajiv Gandhi became Prime Minister in October 1984, Indian-Israeli relations started to thaw. Rajiv Gandhi regularly met with Israeli officials, including Shimon Peres during the 14^th Annual Session of the UN in 1985. He also had several high-profile meetings with US-based pro-Israel groups in June 1988. Moreover, Rajiv Gandhi constantly referred to the Pakistani nuclear program as an “Islamic bomb,” highlighting the threat that this program posed to states such as Israel.

With the end of the Cold War and the fall of the Soviet Union, India lost its longtime ally and principle weapons supplier. In addition, there was an increasing Indian disenchantment with increasing Arab sympathy for Islamist movements in Palestine and Kashmir – a feature that corresponded with the spread of Islamism in Arab countries. In addition, India was faced with the burgeoning Sino-Pakistani military relationship particularly in the field of missile proliferation. Given Israel’s leading role in defense development, India gradually gravitated towards it.⁷

Israel also sought to exploit the international euphoria created by the 1993 Oslo agreements to diversify its strategic links beyond nearby Arab states and, in this regard, India was a prime candidate for those efforts.⁸ Israeli-Indian military links have been demonstrated on the battlefield in 1999, when India and Pakistan fought a war over the Kargil Heights and Israel opened its ammunition depots to India and provided photographs from its military satellites.⁹ Also, some Pakistani sources reported a planned Israeli air strike on its nuclear installations.¹⁰

Even within India, some sources noted that the anti-Muslim riots in Gujarat in which scores of Muslims were killed and their properties burnt by Hindu demonstrators, were supported by Israel. In fact, a few months before the riots broke out, thousands of Hindus from Gujarat were sent to Israel for agricultural work and eventually came back with dangerous chemicals used in the riots with the “Made in Israel” mark on them.¹¹

Reading Between the Lines: The Importance of Sharon’s Visit

Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon shaking hands with Indian Defense minister George Fernandes before talks in New Delhi, September 10, 2003.

Indian-Israeli relations are centered on several key issues: cooperation against Islamic resistance movements and hostile Islamic states, nuclear cooperation, and increasing trade relations. The past decade witnessed an increasing convergence of interests on many issues between the two states as the strategic landscape was altered. After September 11^th, and with the presence of ultra-nationalist, anti-Islamic governments in India and Israel, both states sought to enlist the support of the US in fighting Islamists worldwide by making themselves appear as “victims of terrorism” in Palestine and Kashmir respectively. An indication that the US started to tilt towards India could be highlighted by the fact that on the same day Sharon visited India joint US-Indian military exercises began in the sensitive Ladakh region of disputed Kashmir.¹²

- Against Islamic resistance - Nuclear cooperation - Increasing trade relations

Although India and Israel established diplomatic relations only 11 years ago, Israel has now become India’s second largest weapons supplier after Russia.¹³ Just as the United States sought the help of the Israeli military before it went to war in Iraq, India also sought to enlist Israeli support after disappointing results in border clashes with Pakistani forces and the inability of its forces to stop the attack on the Indian parliament.¹⁴ Sharon’s recent visit focused mainly on the discussion of multi-billion dollar military deals involving¹⁵:

• Three Phalcon airborne control systems to be mounted on Russian IL-76 aircraft. The advanced Phalcon radar system is faster and much more accurate than conventional radar, and it has the added advantage of working in all kinds of weather and detecting low-flying objects hundreds of miles away.¹⁶ Total cost estimated at $1.29 billion.

• The Arrow anti-ballistic missile system, estimated at $2.5 billion.

• Ten Barak anti-missile defense systems in addition to the seven already installed on Indian warships.

• An unspecified number of unmanned aerial vehicles. About $142 million have been set aside to buy the drones.

• A $105-million dollar deal for electronic warfare systems for battleships, cleared by the Indian government.

• Israel is expected to train four battalions of nearly 3,000 Indian soldiers for specialized anti-insurgency strikes, adding to their training in desert, jungle, and counter-hijacking and hostage crisis situations. Recently, India concluded a $30 million agreement with Israeli Military Industries (IMI) for 3,400 Tavor assault rivals, 200 Galil sniper rifles, as well as night vision and laser targeting equipment.

• Israel is also involved in the upgrading of Indian air force Mig-27 attack planes and British-made Jaguar and Sea Harriers. In addition, India is also negotiating for high-tech fencing techniques for its military bases in Kashmir and state-of-the-art equipment for its Russian-made T-72 tank fleet.

In return, Israeli strategists believe that bolstering ties with India would provide Israel with an important strategic foothold in the Indian Ocean, thus enabling it to possess a logistical advantage over the Arab States and Iran. In particular, Israel feels threatened by Iran’s long-range missiles capabilities, and hence it is of no coincidence that the United States is increasing its pressure on Iran concerning the latter’s alleged nuclear and missile capabilities. From the Israeli perspective, a maritime Israeli presence in the Indian Ocean would enable it to deploy a sea-borne capability that could be used to launch attacks against hostile Islamic states and/or as a second-strike capacity if it is targeted first. In this regard, it is especially significant that in 2000, Israeli submarines reportedly conducted test launches of cruise missiles capable of carrying nuclear warheads in the waters of the Indian Ocean, off the Sri Lanka coast.¹⁷ Of course, for the establishment and operation of such a maritime venture, cooperation with the Indian Navy would be vital.

Israel is India’s second largest weapons supplier.

In terms of nuclear weapons, both India and Israel are well-known proliferators and are estimated to possess hundreds of nuclear warheads. In addition, both states view Pakistan’s nuclear program with alarm and have over the years sought to magnify the perceived threat of what they persisted in calling the “Islamic bomb.” During the last decade, Israel has avoided joining a worldwide condemnation of Indian nuclear tests, even rejecting a US request to issue a condemnation statement.¹⁸ Meanwhile, it was later disclosed that Abdul Kalam, India’s current president and then India’s chief science consultant and head of its missile and nuclear program, had visited Israel twice in 1996 and 1997. In return, Israeli scientists paid a visit to India and matters relating to technology transfers were discussed between both sides.

On the economic front, members of the Israeli business elite have eyed India’s potential as a strong emerging market and have sought to capitalize on the latter’s free trade orientation and economic liberalization efforts. Bilateral trade between Israel and India has increased five-fold during the decade, reaching $1.27 billion in 2002.¹⁹ Israeli-Indian trade includes high-tech agricultural equipment, diamonds and foodstuffs.²⁰ In the field of tourism, around 70,000 Israelis visit India annually and about 25,000 Indians visit Israel annually.²¹ However, as the Israeli economy suffers from a serious recession for the third consecutive year and as losses from its tourism sector reach $9 billion, Israel now has a stronger incentive to bolster its economic ties with India.

Conclusions

India and Israel are estimated to possess hundreds of nuclear warheads.

The post-September 11^th world and the anti-Islamic atmosphere created as a result of America’s global war on “terrorism” have provided the opportunity for states to justify their policies on the basis of the right to fight “terrorism.” In addition, the doctrine of pre-emption initiated by the United States has made countries such as India and Israel adopt the same logic vis-à-vis their enemies. Alliances have been forged, injustices have been perpetrated, and states almost went to war based on unjustifiable claims and false motives. The ultimate result became a dangerous world of competing alliances and the impending threat of war always looming large. At the same time, one must note that Arab governments have failed to counterbalance Israeli and Indian moves with alliances of their own, and have demonstrated their incompetence when faced with a world of rapidly changing security threats.

Despite all their justifications and strategic motives, both Israel and India failed to realize that their efforts to fight what they perceive as “Islamic terrorism” have not born fruit. Despite its technological sophistication, Israel has not been able to prevent bombings aimed at targeting both its citizens and soldiers. The recent twin bombings in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem which took place even while Sharon was discussing security matters in India are cases in point. In turn, despite its alliance with Israel and the United States, India has failed to prevent the attacks on its parliament and has not been able to stop militants in Kashmir from launching successful attacks on its bases. Both states have failed to realize that a security-based approach devoid of any sense of justice or morality can never permanently solve problems in Palestine or Kashmir.

Kareem M. Kamel is an Egyptian freelance writer based in Cairo, Egypt. He has an MA in International Relations and is specialized in security studies, decision- making, nuclear politics, Middle East politics and the politics of Islam. He is currently assistant to the Political Science Department at the American University in Cairo.

---

1- “Indians Protest at Sharon’s Visit,” The Guardian September 10^th, 2003

2- “Sharon India Visit Angers Muslims,” Al-Jazeera (English) September 8^th, 2003

3- “Israel and India Discuss Arms Deals,” Al-Jazeera (English) September 9^th, 2003

4- Ibid.

5- “India Criticized Over Israel Relations,” Al-Jazeera (English) September 2^nd, 2003

6- “Sharon India Visit Angers Muslims,” Al-Jazeera (English) September 8^th, 2003

7- Ilan Berman, “Israel, India, and Turkey: Triple Entente?” The Middle East Quarterly 9 (Fall 2002)

8- Ibid.

9- Sunil Raman, “Sharon’s Historic India Visit,” BBC News

10- “Israel-Indian Nuclear Cooperation Gets Attention of the Region,” Global Beat June 6^th, 1998

11- Ashraf Abbas, “Gujarat Riots: Was There an Israeli Connection,” The Milli Gazette September 12^th, 2003

12- “Pakistan Attacks US-India Exercises,” Al-Jazeera (English) September 8^th, 2003

13- “Israel and India Discuss Arms Deals,” Al-Jazeera (English) September 9^th, 2003

14- Amrith K. Mago, “India-Israel Military Ties Continue To Grow,” The Jewish Institute of National Security Affairs (JINSA) April 8^th, 2003

15- Ibid. & “Israel and India Discuss Arms Deals,” Al-Jazeera (English) September 9^th, 2003

16- “Israel Scraps China Radar Deal,” BBC News July 12^th, 2003

17- Martin Sherman, “From Conflict to Convergence: India and Israel Forge a Solid Strategic Alliance,” The Jewish Institute of National Security Affairs (JINSA)  March 25^th, 2003

18- “Israel-Indian Nuclear Cooperation Gets Attention of the Region,” Global Beat June 6^th, 1998

19- “Sharon India Visit Angers Muslims,” Al-Jazeera (English) September 8^th, 2003

20- Ben Lynfield, “Israel, India Forge Strategic Partnership,” The Christian Science Monitor, January 18^th, 2002

21- Dov Segev-Steinberg, “Ten Years of Indo-Israeli Diplomatic Relations,” Defense India

The articles posted on this page reflect solely the opinions of the authors. Views Archive Advanced Search Views & Analyses

 

Related Links

• Israel’s Nuclear Goliath (Special Folder)

• India’s Road to the Bomb: The Specter of a Nuclear Holocaust in South Asia

• The Geopolitics of Kashmir: Conflict on the Roof of the World

• Pervez Musharraf and the India-Pakistan Imbroglio

• Is an Indo-Pakistani War Inevitable?