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September 11, 2003: The Rogue Superpower Two Years Later

By Noor ad-Deen Theodore
Staff writer – IslamOnline

11/09/2003

I am unable to appreciate any moral, political, or legal difference between this jihad by the United States against those it deems to be its enemies and the jihad by Islamic groups against those they deem to be their enemies.– Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na’im, Ex-Director, Human Rights Watch (Africa)1

Iraqis demonstrating against the US in central Baghdad

September 11, 2003 marks the two-year anniversary of the United States of America’s second-ever “war on terror,” as it was opportunistically coined and launched in the wake of tragedy. After two years and two major wars, the cabal of recycled Reaganites who have highjacked US foreign policy has done little more than stir the proverbial hornet's nest, over-simplistically labeled “al-Qaeda.” Legitimized in the name of moral absolutism, the “war on terror” has not only neglected the root causes of the Muslim world’s gripe with America, but it has in fact exacerbated the threat that the swelling masses of angry young militants pose to non-combatants around the world. Pentagon policy makers would seem unconcerned.

Losing the War on Terror


US military strategies in Afghanistan had anything but a positive effect on the nation.


“Literally before the dust had settled,” as economist Paul Krugman puts it, the Pentagon lined the Taliban government and its poverty-stricken constituents in its crosshairs following the attacks in New York and Washington.2 Once dubbed “the moral equivalent of the founding fathers” by Ronald Reagan,3 Taliban and Arab mujahideen faced the most sophisticated military known to humankind replete with its highest budget to date, and yet an FBI assessment at the war’s conclusion admitted that the Afghan war had limited al-Qaeda’s capabilities by no more than 30%.4 In fact, London-based International Institute of Strategic Studies posits that the US campaign in Afghanistan allowed “an already highly decentralized and elusive trans-national terrorist network to become even harder to identify and neutralize.”5

US military strategies in Afghanistan had anything but a positive effect on the impoverished nation, as it faced a massive influx of weapons, a return to warlordism, and an increased production of opium, in addition to the 4,000-odd killed directly by the war and the untold thousands who subsequently died from hunger and disease.


The country that was once not a terrorist state has ironically become one.


Iraq represents an even bigger failure in the “war on terror.” As a senior US counter-terrorism official acknowledged to reporters, “An American invasion of Iraq is already being used as a recruitment tool by al-Qaeda and other groups.” There is no doubt that Iraq’s recent transition from a stable state to a weak one has made it the perfect recipe for militancy: porous boarders, streets saturated with weapons, and a desperately frustrated population that lacks rudimentary utilities. The highly organized nature of the Najaf and UN headquarter bombings implies that the country that was once not a terrorist state has ironically become one. An August survey published by the Iraq Center for Research and Strategic Studies notes that, based on regional variables in public opinion, between 50 to 90 per cent of Iraqis polled ascribe the recent violence to animosity towards the US campaign and occupation.6 Before a strictly Kurdish faction, Ansar al-Islam has earned pan-Muslim appeal after the Afghan war, and its ranks grow daily with foreign fighters and unemployed Iraqi servicemen. Within the past months, Ansar al-Islam is reported to have established training camps within the beleaguered Iraqi state.7 Similar facilities were what merited “regime change” in Afghanistan the year before.    

Hercules and the Hydra

Hamas fighter 

Based on its bootless approach to the “war on terror,” the Bush administration has clearly paid little thought to any long-term strategy of al-Qaeda. US moves after the September 11th attacks such as its increased military presence in Central Asia and the Middle East, coupled with its heightened support for the Sharon government, would be readily anticipated by the calculated perpetrators.8 A full military assault on the Muslim world is exactly what al-Qaeda relied on to legitimize its belligerency, and thereby have disparate Islamist factions united in their mutual hatred of US machtpolitic. As the Bush administration sanguinely pumps billions of dollars into its crusade against evil, US perceptions of terrorists as irrational demons and the US military posture in the Muslim world have played off one another to form a perpetual feedback loop. In fact, America’s tendency to link all Islamic militant factions to a single shadowy über-villain dubbed al-Qaeda reflects a profound ignorance of the ideology against which the Bush administration has pitted itself.

The “al-Qaeda movement” is not the structured, hierarchal syndicate that the New York Times paints; rather it is the culmination of an antagonism that has been steadily growing over the past decade. While the formal al-Qaeda functioned as a clearing house for locally-hatched operations, the Afghan war has ended the archfiend role that bin Laden played in the Bush administration’s good-vs.-evil paradigm.9 Nevertheless, the resulting dispersal of the conspirators along with the escalating frustration of the hundreds of other home-grown militants have made the Hydra that is the al-Qaeda movement “more insidious and just as dangerous,” as the International Institute of Strategic Studies has asserted.

PNAC and New Realism


US foreign policy transfored from “threat-based strategy” to a “capabilities-based approach.”


If the Bush administration appears aloof to the latest upsurge in global militancy it is simply because winning the “war on terror” amounts to little more than the public relations façade, albeit an effective one at that, to a far more significant geopolitical objective. US foreign policy over the past two years reflects a pivotal transformation from a “threat-based strategy” to a “capabilities-based approach” in order to guarantee a unipolar world in which the United States has permanent military supremacy.10

The radical reversion to a neo-Reaganite foreign policy that lies behind the “war on terror” can be found theoretically set forth in a 1992 strategy report for the US Department of Defense, written by Paul Wolfowitz and drafted by then-Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney. In it, policy makers are urged to pursue an aggressive military posture around the globe which includes pre-emptive attacks and the right to unilateralism in order to “establish and protect a new order.” Military intervention in Iraq is a must, as “access to vital raw material, primarily Persian Gulf oil” remains crucial to US hegemony.

When news of the draft leaked to the public, Sen. Robert C. Byrd (D-W.Va) observed, “The basic thrust of the document seems to be this: We love being the sole remaining superpower in the world and we want so much to remain that way that we are willing to put at risk the basic health of our economy and well-being of our people to do so.”11 Eleven years later, we are beginning the see the insight of Sen. Byrd’s warning.

In 1997, a faction of marginalized Reaganites assembled the Project for the New American Century (PNAC) think tank. After issuing its Statement of Principles manifesto, PNAC unsuccessfully lobbied President Clinton to unilaterally remove Saddam Hussein from power even if he could not win UN Security Council backing, stating, “We can no longer depend upon our partners in the Gulf War coalition.” In September of 2000, PNAC issued its now-infamous Rebuilding America’s Defenses: Strategy, Forces, and Resources for the New Century in which it argued for the imminent Republican administration to “fight and decisively win multiple, simultaneous major-theater wars” in order to project power and thereby maintain Pax-Americana well into the next century. It furthermore states, “While the unresolved conflict with Iraq provides the immediate justification, the need for a substantial American force presence in the Gulf transcends the issue of the regime of Saddam Hussein.”

Incidentally, the Bush administration’s 2002 policy paper National Security Strategy of the United States of America echoes Rebuilding America’s Defenses extensively in its call for unilateralism, preemptive attacks, and the proliferation of US military bases and troop deployments around the world.12

The Crusade

Education Secretary William J. Bennett 

And we can’t deny the religious undertones of the Bush administration’s war of “good vs. evil.” Of the 18 original PNAC signatories of the Clinton letter in 1998, 10 are currently serving in the Bush administration. Among them is Elliott Abrams, who worked for several years as an associate for the Ethics and Public Policy Center, an organization which seeks “to clarify and reinforce the bond between Judeo-Christian moral tradition and public policy debate over domestic and foreign policy issues.”

Meanwhile, Education Secretary William J. Bennett co-founded with Jack Kemp Empower America, the right-wing policy group that has played an indispensable role in proselytizing the Bush administration’s mantra of a moral crusade against evil (read: Islam).


PNAC’s Zionist influence on current US foreign policy is hard to overlook.


In a similar vein, PNAC’s diehard Zionist influence on the current US foreign policy is hard to overlook. Richard Pearle of the Bush Administration’s Defense Planning Board teamed with Douglas Feith in the 1990s to write position papers for ex-Israeli Prime Minister and avid hardliner Benjamin Netanyahu. Pearle is currently a prominent member of the staunchly Likudian American Enterprise Institute, which has crucially shaped the Bush administration’s Middle East agenda and has made the support of Israel against the “implacable hatred” of Muslims one of its mission parameters.13 Arguably the most outspoken supporter of the neo-conservative foreign agenda has been the Christian Right, particularly in regards to Zionism. It itches to hasten its long-anticipated Armageddon, which naturally requires the establishment of a viable Jewish state among a list of other eschatological goodies.

The Complot  


9/11 is the result of America’s whitewashing of religious and cultural values in the name of free markets.


PNAC’s white paper of 2000 predicts that the proposed transformation of US foreign posture would come about gradually unless, as it states, there were “some catastrophic and catalyzing event, like a new Pearl Harbor.” Despite advanced warnings from over 11 countries of the September 11th attacks, the United States did nothing to preempt a possible terrorist strike.14

Furthermore, two senior Mossad agents visited Washington in August 2001 with a list of terrorist suspects that included the names of four of the 9/11 highjackers and the advanced warning of an imminent terrorist operation.15 Nothing came of the information.

Newsweek reports that five of the highjackers received flight training at high-security US military bases in the 1990s,16 while one US federal agent wrote in August 2001 that Zacarias Moussaoui, a recent terrorist suspect at the time, might be part of a plot to crash a plane into the twin towers.17 Former US federal crimes prosecutor, John Loftus states, “The information provided by European intelligence services prior to 9/11 was so extensive that it is no longer possible for either the CIA or FBI to assert a defense of incompetence.”18


In this new game, weak and strong states play equally threatening roles.


Could US agents have been ordered from above to stand down from their terrorist investigations in order to accelerate a neo-conservative foreign policy agenda? “Absurd!” will surely scoff the cynics, but why were fighter jets not sent to investigate the highjacked planes that had veered off course for over an hour as FAA intercept procedures had dictated they do 67 times the year before?19 Then again, perhaps it was simply a pandemic outbreak of heedlessness on the part of the world’s most technically advanced nation. The attacks of September 11th symbolize the dénouement of America’s global whitewashing of religious and cultural values in the name of free markets. Its recent wave of neo-colonialist campaigns has stirred a visceral anger within the Muslim world that cannot be cooled by Hobbesian might. Quid pro quo is the very language that terrorism understands. In this new game, weak and strong states play equally threatening roles. Weapons of mass destruction pale in comparison to single mindedness and a willingness to die. If America wants a ceasefire, she’s going to have to lay down her arms.

Noor ad-Deen Theodore is editor and staff writer for IslamOnline. He is an International Relations graduate from Tufts University and is currently pursuing an MA in Arabic Language and Literature in Cairo, Egypt. Born in the United States, he embraced Islam in 1994. He hopes to return to America and teach Arabic and Islamic studies. You can reach him at jonnycakes@islam-online.net


1- Booth, Ken and Tim Dunne (ed.), “Upholding International Legality Against Islamic and American Jihad,” Worlds in Collision: Terror and the Future of Global Order (New York: Palgrave, 2002).

2- Chomsky, Noam, “A Modest Proposal,” CounterPunch.org, December 3, 2002.

3- Chomsky, Noam, “Wars of Terror,” Zmag.org, April 30, 2003.

4- Elworthy, Scilla and Paul Rogers, “A Never-Ending War,” Oxford Research Group. As appears on Reportingtheworld.org, March, 2002.

5- Obadina, Tunde, “Is the World Safer from Terrorism after the Fall of Saddam? Vanguardngr.com, May 28, 2003.

6- Stern, Jessica, “Iraq was Not a Terrorist Threat, but America has Turned it into One,” Scotsman.com, August 21, 2003.

7- MacFarquhar, Neil, “Rising Tide of Islamic Militants See Iraq as Ultimate Battlefield,” The New York Times, August 13, 2003.

8- Elworthy, Scilla and Paul Rogers, “A Never-Ending War,” Oxford Research Group. As appears on Reportingtheworld.org, March, 2002.

9- Burke, Jason, “Terror’s Myriad Faces,” Observer, May 18, 2003.

10- Klare, Michael, “Endless Military Supremacy,” The Nation, July 15, 2002.

11- For more details on the document, see Barton Gellman’s “Keeping the US First,” The Washington Post, March 11, 1992.

12- Weiner, Bernard, "How We Got into This Imperial Pickle: A PNAC Primer," Crisispapers.org, May 26, 2003.

13- Barry, Tom and Jim Lobe, "The Men Who Stole the Show," Foreign Policy in Focus.org, October, 2002.

14- Meacher, Michael, "This War on Terror is Bogus," The Guardian, September 6, 2003.

15- Jacobson, Philip and David Wastrell, "Israeli Security Issued Urgent Warning to CIA of Large-Scale Terror Attacks," The Daily Telegraph, September 16, 2001.

16- Barry, John, Catharine Skipp, and George Wehrfritz, "Alleged Highjackers May Have Trained at U.S. Bases," Newsweek, September 15, 2001.

17- Isikoff, Michael, "Unheeded Warnings," Newsweek, May 20, 2002.

18- Meacher, Michael, "This War on Terror is Bogus," The Guardian, September 6, 2003.

19- "Use of Military Jets Jumps Since 9-11," Associated Press, August 13, 2002.

The articles posted on this page reflect solely the opinions of the authors.

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