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Between Reformists and Conservatives: The Future of Iran's Revolution
By Sahar Kassaimah
14/08/2001
Last week's fight between reformists and conservatives in Iran over President Mohammad Khatami's inauguration was great enough to signal that, even after the end of elections, the conflict between Iran's two ruling wings is not yet over. Instead, it is more likely to continue into Khatami's next four-year term.
After a three-day delay, Khatami was sworn in as Iranian president. He took the oath of office before Parliament with Iran's top Islamic leaders present. Although the crisis is over, its warning signs have yet to be discussed. No one can claim that the decision taken by the country's supreme spiritual leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, to postpone Khatami's ceremony until all 12 members of the Guardian's Council were present, was unconstitutional. According to Iran's constitution, members of the Guardian's Council and other officials, including Members of Parliament and the head of the judiciary, must attend the civil confirmation.
Nevertheless, since the country's constitution does not specify how many members of the Council must be at the presidential inauguration, Khamenei could have allowed Khatami to be sworn in before the 10 Council members already in office. But, he insisted that all 12 members should attend, causing instability during Khatami's first week in office.
In the recent election, three Council seats were also up for a vote. Iran's parliament, dominated by reformists, voted from a list of candidates submitted by the judiciary. Only one name was approved, leaving the Council with 10 - instead of 12 - members. The reformists refused all the other candidates because they saw the move as pressure from conservatives to force them to vote for two hardline nominees. The parliament asserted that due to their young age and lack of experience, none of candidates was qualified.
Since Khamenei controls the Expediency Council, which has the final say on political disputes, both the parliament and judiciary had no choice but to accept his decision to delay Khatami's inauguration. The stalemate was finally broken on Khamenei's order to parliament to endorse the two hardline candidates.
Although parliament bowed to Khamenei's decision, it was clear they were displeased with it, especially after 162 of the 249 parliament members abstained from voting for the two candidates. The dispute, considered the latest chapter in a power struggle between reformists and conservatives, provides us with many signs. It shows that conservatives, who in the last five years have lost the presidency, the parliament, and the support of most of the Iranian people, may continue to block reformist attempts to achieve their goals in the coming four years. Khatami and reformists have been opposed by powerful conservative clerics, led by Khamenei, who fear such reforms will undermine Islamic principles.
This conflict is unlike any other conflict between the two opponents, who are the two ruling wings of the Revolution. The escalation of the conflict started after the February 2000 parliamentary elections, in which conservatives lost control of the body for the first time since the 1979 Islamic Revolution.
It is not easy for elder Iranian clerics who lived through the Iranian Revolution to accept change. They fear that any change could lead to the fall of the Revolution. It is still hard for them to understand that the reform plan is not against the Revolution's principles, but against social and political restrictions in Iran.
And in the meantime, it seems that Khatami will not give up his reform plans, which he believes are an important demand at this stage, - whether for the Iranian people, or for the Iranian Revolution. "The establishment of religious democracy is an undeniable necessity, and we should seize this opportunity to reinforce civil institutions [and] reject hatred [and] violence as means for political struggle," said Khatami.
"We need to take care of people's needs, we need to hear people and their needs. I will use my four years experience towards the coming four years."
Indeed, since Khatami won a landslide 77% of the vote against nine mostly conservative opponents in the June 8th elections, conservatives should acknowledge that the reform plans reflect the peoples' demands and should submit to their needs. Although Khatami, along with his reformist allies, faces the challenge of making economic improvements, reducing unemployment, and tightening financial management, the Iranian people (of whom almost two-thirds were born after the overthrowing of the despotic Shah in 1979), need a more open and progressive country, as they grow older.
In the meantime, it seems that some of Iran's revolution opponents, whether inside or outside the country, find this conflict good soil within which to implant more troubles and divisions in an already suffering country. Some of them lock themselves inside the conflict, by wearing either the reformist or conservative mask, in order to take advantage of the wave in a way that serves their own goals against those of the Revolution.
Therefore, we need to note that among those who elected Khatami are some who do not believe in either ruling wing, or in the Iranian Revolution's principles. But, they find that Khatami may be a better choice by which to achieve their goals.
Although many are watching the conflict between the two ruling wings, it is too soon to predict how it will end. At the same time, no one can confirm whether conservatives will awaken and respond to their people's and country's demands before it is too late; or if reformists will be careful not to be tricked and impressed by the Revolution's enemies.
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