On
the eve of the invasion of Iraq more than 730 days ago, US
President George Bush told the American people that he was
ordering US forces to move into the oil-rich country to prevent
Iraq from developing weapons of mass destruction, to rid Iraq of
its already existing stockpile of weapons of mass destruction,
and to ensure that Iraq would no longer cooperate with terrorist
organizations such as Al-Qaeda by handing over weapons of mass
destruction technologies to their operatives.
The
war in Iraq was to ensure that another 9/11 would not occur on
American shores. The connection between Iraq and 9/11 was not
stated but implied.
In
the two years since, and after the death of more than 100,000
Iraqis and 1521 US soldiers, and the wounding of dozens of
thousands on both sides, US investigators have concluded that
all of Bush’s stated reasons for going to war were unfounded.
Iraq
had destroyed most of its weapons of mass destruction in 1991,
14 years prior to the war.
As
the search for Iraqi weapons of mass destruction began to wind
down, the Bush administration switched gears and started to say
that the war succeeded in removing a brutal dictator. Although
this was not part of the media blitz used to sell the idea of
invading Iraq to the American people, it was true. However,
dictators abound in the Middle East, most of whom are
America’s staunchest allies.
No
wars were fought to dislodge them.
When
the euphoria of catching Iraqi President Saddam Hussein died
down and appeared to have zero effect on a mushrooming
resistance movement in Iraq, the Bush administration switched
gears yet again and said the war was to ensure the birth of the
Middle East’s first democracy.
This
democracy would then spread like wildfire throughout the Middle
East razing the houses of tyranny, which oppressed their own
people.
The
idea, although not novel, sounded wonderful on paper.
When
Iraqis finally went to vote on January 30, US media immediately
declared the election process a success. The papers screamed
that 70 percent of the country defied the “terrorists” and
voted.
The
70 percent figure hit the streets within 12 hours of the closing
of ballots—an impossible figure to mathematically concur.
Nevertheless, it was not disputed but actually heralded by every
media pundit as Iraq’s success story.
Two
weeks later, when an independent Iraqi commission said only 58
percent of the country voted, the inconsistency had already been
cleared as the truth. The 12 percent difference is not to be
taken lightly—it accounts for 1.8 million votes, a large
number for a country of 28 million people.
What
the media failed to report was that areas such as Najaf and
Karbala—99 percent Shiite population—saw only 73 percent of
the electorate vote. What the media also failed to report was
that the list of 14 million likely voters was drawn up from food
rationing cards passed out by the former Baathist government.
Food rationing is still prevalent throughout Iraq.
Many
Iraqis told Arab media that when they would show up to receive
their food rations of rice, tea, and so on, they were quietly
told to vote or lose their rationing privileges.
Furthermore,
the media also failed to report that Ayatollah Ali Al-Sistani,
the leading Shiite cleric in the world who is currently residing
in Iraq, issued a fatwa—or theological decree—that those who
did not vote would burn in hell.
This
is hardly a shining beacon of democracy. A vote is the
individual’s right to exercise their social and political
power to express their voice and opinion on an issue. Voting
because someone told you to choose a particular candidate is not
an exercise in democracy. Democracy is the epitome of free will.
The
media also failed to report that armed US patrols went into
neighborhoods with megaphones ordering residents to come out and
vote, that several polling stations in Baghdad and Mosul were
closed, that international media only had access to five polling
stations throughout the country, and that the Kurds had
introduced a de facto referendum on secession and independence
from the rest of Iraq into the national poll.
One
astonishing tidbit to emerge from the elections was the number
of ballots received with Saddam’s name written on them—some
30,000. And nearly 25 percent only of absentee voters actually
voted. Not to forget that most of the Sunni community boycotted
the elections.
Despite
what the media called a success story and Bush recently calling
a bright moment, violence prevails in Iraq. Since the January 30
elections, more than 400 Iraqis have been killed. In that time,
80 US soldiers have been killed and another 450 wounded.
The
US military said there were some 300 attacks on the day of
elections. They said the current average sits at 80 attacks a
day. Oil pipelines and installations are attacked at least a
dozen times a day.
Electricity
is a much-needed and hardly available commodity in Iraq, for the
second year, much of the country remains without it. Drinkable
water is also a problem.
Reconstruction
is almost a non-starter issue. Of $18 billion earmarked for
reconstruction projects, an independent US auditing report found
that less than one billion of these funds had actually been used
in the past two years.
Unemployment
is rampant and childhood diseases have been rising. The infant
mortality rate has soared since the invasion, according to the
United Nations.
A
success story?
If
this is the democracy other countries in the region are
expecting, it is likely they will opt for the devil they already
know.
However,
desperate to show some success for its string of colossal
failures in the Middle East, the Bush administration has labeled
recent events as “democracy on the march” as a result of the
invasion of Iraq and ouster of Saddam. They point to the
elections in occupied Palestine, the demonstrations in Lebanon,
and the pro-democracy movement in Egypt.
However,
on closer inspection, all these prove to be falsehoods,
fabrications of the Bush administration.
The
New York Times put it bluntly:
Many
of the most promising signs of change, however, have little to
do with Iraq. The peace initiatives in Israel were made possible
when Yasser Arafat died and was replaced by a braver, more
flexible leader. The new determination of the Lebanese people to
throw out their Syrian oppressors was sparked by the
assassination of the Lebanese nationalist Rafik Hariri, not the
downfall of Saddam. And in Iraq itself, the voting largely
excluded the Sunni minority, without whose cooperation Iraq will
never be anything more than a civil war battleground or a
staging platform for a new dictatorship.
In
Lebanon, prominent US news magazines declared a “people
power” of democracy when demonstrators took to the streets and
demanded Syrian troops and influence out of the country.
Ironically,
the magazine hit the stands as a counter-demonstration numbering
1.5 million people organized by the Lebanese Shiite resistance
movement Hizbullah called for Syria to stay.
And
in Egypt, the trials ad tribulations of formerly jailed
opposition leader Ayman Nur have become the butt of many
political jokes. Yesterday, a prominent Egyptian daily showed
Nur’s face superimposed on the body of one of the superheroes
from the cartoon hit The Incredibles.
Nur,
who spent six weeks in jail on charges of forging his party’s
registration documents, was released 10 days ago, and he
immediately declared his candidacy for president. Nur aims to
contest Egyptian President Husni Mubarak for the top job,
especially after the latter declared an amendment to the
constitution to allow for multi-party candidates.
The
media are calling the government’s bluff and have labeled Nur
a made-up hero, a man who was thrown into jail to gain notoriety
and publicity and then stand in the elections as a local hero,
who will inevitably lose to Mubarak’s wiser and more
experienced track record.
In
the end, Egypt can announce it is fully democratic.
Yet,
the amendments to the constitution come to naught because
Article 77 says that all candidates must be approved by
parliament. And parliament is itself comprised mainly of
Mubarak’s party members.
Freedom
on the march? Take Kuwait, who Bush announced was the
single-most important ally outside NATO. In 1991, when US forces
liberated Kuwait from the Iraqi invaders, it was expected that a
more mature Kuwaiti emir would allow for greater freedoms in his
country.
Fourteen
years later, women are forbidden the right to vote. Try as they
may to pass an amendment to the law, and try as the government
may to support their efforts, they are turned down. Women in
Kuwait, according to various female bloggers from the country,
have no political existence.
And
then there is Bahrain, where free speech has taken a few steps
back, not forward. The government recently arrested and released
three bloggers who spoke freely about the need for reform in the
Kingdom. Human rights activists are routinely arrested.
And
in Saudi Arabia, where recent elections were held, surprise,
surprise, no women were present or even allowed to stand as
candidates. Men convicted of a myriad of crimes and in
incarceration were allowed to vote, but not women.
Nevertheless,
there are those like George Will, Charles Krauthammer and the
infantile Thomas Friedman who are asking “was Bush right” in
his vision of the Middle East after the invasion of Iraq.
If
this article is not enough, one need only revisit the pictures
of the torture committed by liberating US troops at Abu Ghraib
prison and the misconduct of UK troops in military camps in
southern Iraq to answer that question.
Firas
Al-Atraqchi is
a Canadian journalist of Iraqi heritage. Holding an MA in
Journalism and Mass Communication, he has eleven years of
experience covering Middle East issues, oil and gas markets, and
the telecom industry. You can reach him at firascape@hotmail.com.