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Barak Launches 'Scorched Earth Policy'
For The Sake of Emergency Government
By Saleh Al Na`ami
Ghaza
Once the extraordinary Arab League Summit Conference came to a close in Cairo, it announced the resolutions on future relations with Israel under the continuation of Al Aqsa Intifada. Israeli Prime Minister. Ehud Barak made two responses that were both contradictory in form and harmonious in content. While he praised what he dubbed the "victory of moderation in the Arab Summit," and expressed his relief that certain Arab countries had succeeded in imposing their stands on the summit's resolutions, he announced his decision to put the political process with the Palestinians on hold for a 'specific period.'
Opposition in Barak's camp
Barak's decision was not understood by many, including senior leaders of his own party. Israeli Minister of Justice, Yose Belin, expressed displeasure at the Prime Minister's decision, saying, "Barak should have taken steps to reinforce the moderate line in the Arab World and not embarrass the moderates."
Barak's motives
However, Barak was convinced that he was doing the right thing - under the circumstances. Whatever the resolutions adopted by the Arab Summit were, they would not have influenced the strategic decision made by Barak regarding negotiations with the Palestinians. As Barak's director of office said, the Israeli Prime Minister had postponed the official announcement of the 'time out' from negotiations with the Palestinians until after the Arab Summit upon request from the US Administration. It was of the opinion that such a decision would have an impact on the good offices it had made with Arab countries prior to the emergency conference, with a view to convince them of the need to adopt "moderate" stands. Barak claims that freezing any negotiations with the Palestinians will be for a specific period and that his decision is a result of the Palestinian Authority's encouragement of violence. But most observers in Israel believe this to be on the contrary. The decision, they say, in putting the political process on hold is a final, indispensable decision under the current internal conditions in Israel. Barak is fully aware that for the first time in Israel's history, the ruling cabinet in Knesset does not hold a majority. He is also aware that this state of affairs is purely circumstantial; namely that Knesset is in summer recess. Once it reconvenes for winter, leaders will be falling over one another proposing bills to overthrow the incumbent government and its head.
Barak also knows that Likud leader Ariel Sharon's first condition for joining an emergency government is that the Prime Minister wash his hands of any negotiations with Palestinians once and for all, and announce that all the points agreed upon in Sharm Al Sheikh are no longer binding for Israel. Sharon has repeatedly said that Ehud Barak cannot travel in two trains going in opposite directions.
Internal opposition: An American blessing
With the exception of Minister of Justice Yose Belin, none of the Labour Party ministers believes that negotiations with the Palestinians can be resumed. All ministers, again with the exception of Yose Belin, support Barak's intention to form an emergency government with Likud.
Meanwhile, all Labour ministers and leaders in Knesset oppose Barak's "official" announcement of freezing negotiations with the Palestinians, on the grounds that such a step narrows the scope of maneuverability for the Israeli government and shows Israel to the world as the party that is pulling out of the negotiations. Labour Party leaders believe that it is possible to form a government with Likud and freeze the negotiations with the Palestinians by imposing impossible conditions on the Palestinian Authority Chairman, Yasser Arafat, and gambling on his refusal of such conditions. Such a strategy will make it possible for Israel to cast blame on Arafat for holding up the "settlement" process in the eyes of the world. As Chaim Ramon, Minister of the so-called 'Jerusalem Affairs,' said, "Barak's volunteering to play the role that Arafat should have played was a first-class strategic mistake."
Barak claims "time out" was coordinated with Washington
It is interesting that Ehud Barak told his ministers that his decision to put negotiations with the Palestinians on hold had previously been coordinated with the US Administration. A correspondent of Israeli Television's 'Channel One' revealed that Barak had informed the Cabinet during its last session that he had agreed with the US Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright, during the Sharm Al Sheikh Summit to freeze any negotiations. He also said that Albright had shown an understanding of his position but asked him to postpone the announcement of his decision until after the end of the Arab Summit. According to the correspondent, Barak had advised his ministers that Albright had told him that the US Administration no longer saw Arafat as a partner in the Middle East peace process.
Barak perceives threat
Ehud Barak now feels that the carpet is slowly being pulled from under his feet. The political correspondent of Radio Israel's Hebrew Program quoted high-ranking sources in Barak's office as saying that the Israeli Prime Minister was extremely displeased at the results of the public opinion polls made over the past two months. The polls had all shown that if Benyamin Netanyahu ran against Ehud Barak for the premiership, the former would come out victorious with a large margin of a majority.
Netanyahu's ghost haunts Sharon
It is now obvious that Ariel Sharon's need for an emergency government is no less than Barak's. An emergency government is the only thing that can keep Netanyahu out of the competition after the sudden decision by the government's legal counselor to close the file of the criminal case against him. Ariel Sharon is well aware of the support that Netanyahu continues to enjoy in the Likud popular base and among the right wingers. As partisan affairs reporter Orrie Seigel said, "If Sharon knows that should he compete for the Likud leadership with Netanyahu, the result would be disastrous."
Therefore, Sharon is keen to form an emergency government, because with that government in place, there will be no need to hold internal elections to select a new leader for Likud in the next elections.
As most Likud representatives in Knesset are Netanyahu supporters, they have given Sharon a list of conditions that he must meet if he wants them to agree to join Barak in an emergency government. These conditions, some of which are very difficult while others are simply impossible, are as follows:
- Barak should publicly and explicitly abandon the political process with the Palestinians and announce that all the points agreed upon with the Palestinian Authority in Camp David are null and void and no longer binding for the State of Israel.
- A cabinet for security affairs should be formed, with its membership equally shared by Likud and Labour, and Sharon holding the right to veto any decisions made by Barak that have an impact on political and security matters which are of concern to the Jewish State.
- Likud should have a decisive role in drawing the security policy to confront Al Aqsa Intifada.
The consequences of Barak's acceptance of Likud terms
According to a Labour Party minister, Barak's agreement to give Sharon the right to veto will have crippling consequences on Israel. Provoked by Netanyahu's supporters, Ariel Sharon will find every reason to object to Barak's decisions, particularly those related to foreign relations or dealing with Palestinians.
As for participation in drawing up a security policy, it is important to understand the implications of that condition. Quoting Danny Nafeh, a prominent Netanyahu supporter in Likud, we find the following: "Israel should pursue a scorched-earth policy, under which the Israeli Army razes every Palestinian quarter from which shots are fired on Israeli soldiers or settlers in the West Bank, Ghaza or Jerusalem."
The opponents of the formation of an emergency government within the Labour Party believe that Barak's acceptance of this condition means that Israel will be risking its relations with the whole world. They also believe that such an arrangement will only serve the Arab trends that call for confrontation with Israel, and greatly embarrass the Arab regimes that have "ignored the feelings of Arab people for the sake of maintaining some sort of relations with Israel," as Knesset member Uzi Bur'am said.
However, Barak actually gave a hint to his generals to go ahead with the "scorched-earth policy". He ordered the Israeli Defense Force, only hours after the end of the Arab Summit, to shell one of the quarters of the Palestinian Bit Gala town with artillery and rockets. This was for no reason other than that somebody had shot at a Jewish quarter in Jerusalem with a light weapon. This was interpreted by observers as an act of support for Sharon's efforts in convincing his colleagues to join the emergency government.
Outlook
Some members in Likud are planting obstacles in Sharon's path to prevent him from joining Barak's government, as Benyamin Netanyahu's supporters prefer to see Ehud Barak lose a vote of confidence in Knesset. However, both Barak and Sharon are convinced that the emergency government can be formed so long as the Al Aqsa Intifada continues. The last opinion poll made by Israeli Television's 'Channel Two' showed that over 85% of Israelis support the idea of forming an emergency government, which means that the opponents of that idea cannot continue to reject it much longer.
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