I
remember the day clearly. It was January 16, 1991. I was at work in a small non- governmental organization, and
everyone was gathered around the television, watching the
US
military invade
Iraq. For weeks, the propaganda machine had been in full swing.
Stories had circulated about Kuwaiti babies left to die in
incubators by the Iraqi Army. Racist jokes and pictures had
appeared daily on the fax machine, sent by those who called
themselves patriots. Saddam Hussein’s face had even shown up
on specialty toilet paper.
Interestingly,
nothing ever showed up about the real human rights
violations—such as gassing thousands of Iraqi Kurds (whether
you subscribe to the Iraqis or the Iranians doing it). But maybe
Bush the First was still a little too closely tied to the sale
of those chemicals for it to be a safe game.
Watching
the television screen, the nausea in my stomach grew in
proportion to the rhetoric about protecting Kuwaiti human
rights. With condemnation, I turned to my colleagues and said,
“Right, and this has nothing to do with oil.”
At
this NGO, we were all linked together by our common work toward
the rights of people with disabilities, but at that moment, I
watched our commonality dissintegrate as people shot back with,
“What about those babies Saddam left to die? He’s evil and
we have to stop him.”
At
that moment I felt incredibly alone. And the feeling grew over
the days. Repeatedly I would vent my outrage at the
US
invasion to friends with whom I had shared common political
beliefs and, unbelievingly, listen to them endorse Desert Storm.
Almost everyone I knew supported the
US
invasion of
Iraq. Some began to question my patriotism—the line saved for
those who care to question.
All
across my community yellow ribbons began appearing. On doors,
trees, cars, desks, people’s lapels. The news quickly
degenerated from any real information to a nightly public
relations game. Missiles were shown exploding over Baghdad, but nothing about the damage wreaked or the lives lost.
Instead, we were inundated with heart-warming stories of the
young Army wife with a newborn baby waiting for her husband to
come home, standing alongside her fence with a sea of yellow
ribbons flapping in the breeze.
Within
a week, Kuwaiti human rights were never mentioned again.
Instead, we were told of
Iraq
’s vast oil reserves and how Saddam kept his citizens poor by
not responsibly developing the goldmine he was sitting on.
I
didn’t know what to do. One thing became clear though: No
matter how much I might protest the war, my money was being used
to finance it. I was paying for people’s death. At that moment
I decided I would not give the
US
government any more of my consent. As long as I wasn’t
able—under the then current tax laws—to direct my money to
programs I could support, like universal health care, education,
and environmental and public health protections, I would no
longer file with the Internal Revenue Service (IRS). Simple—if
not a bit naïve.
When
I made that decision I had no idea others had done the same, nor
that there was a national organization with international ties
of thousands who had made the same choice. And today, 13 years
later, although I may have done it a little differently, I would
make the same choice again, just like thousands before me.
Americans
have a long tradition of withholding their taxes to the
military. The most famous was Henry David Thoreau when he spent
the night in a Massachusetts jail for protesting the Mexican-American war by refusing to pay
his taxes. Over a century later, singer Joan Baez made the news
in 1964 when she announced she would withhold 60% of her income
tax—the amount earmarked for the Vietnam War campaign. She was
joined by Professor Noam Chomsky, feminist Gloria Steinham, and
some 500,000 other Americans, most of whom were resisting a
newly imposed federal phone bill tax to cover huge expenditures
for the war. The tax is still in effect.
No
matter how much I might protest the war, my money was
being used to finance it.
|
|
Every
one of those individuals has a unique story about their
decision, yet all came to the singularly compelling truth: If
you want peace, stop paying for war. This is the motto of the
War Tax Resisters League, an organization whose members have
refused all or part of their federal taxes since its inception
some 60 plus years ago.
Believing
war to be a crime against humanity, War
Resisters was founded in London in 1921, when World War I was raging across
Europe
and the
Ottoman Empire. Since then affiliates have formed in 32 countries on every
continent, including the mostly Muslim countries of
Chad
and
Turkey. The
United States
affiliate was organized in 1923 by men and women who had opposed
WWI, many of whom had been jailed for refusing military service.
In
the 70 years since the formation of these groups, the world’s
wars have become much more complex, and globally dangerous; yet
the rhetoric behind them remains the same. Liberation has been
used by colonizing nations as an excuse to take over others’
lands and resources for eons. Ergo
Iraq.
When
the British raised the Union Jack in Baghdad in 1917, their promises were much the same as the Americans’
today. “Our armies do not come into your cities and lands as
conquerors or enemies but as liberators,” proclaimed Gen.
Stanley Maude, the then commander of the British forces.
Then,
as today, what fuels a nation’s military potential is
participation by the general public, either willingly or
unwillingly. What is different about today’s American military
is its size and power. The
United States
spends more on its armed forces than do the next 24
highest-spending countries combined, which include (in order of
expenditure)
China,
Russia,
Japan, the
United Kingdom,
France,
Saudi Arabia,
Israel
and
Iran. In fact, according to the Stockholm International Peace
Research Institute, which maintains figures for worldwide
military spending, the US accounted for half the world’s
spending in 2003 (the latest figures available). And this was
before the war on
Iraq.
American
missiles now have a global reach, and with American military
bases being part of the New Iraq Deal,
America
’s military presence in the
Middle East
is an assurance to the region’s instability. Combined with its
influence at the International Monetary Fund and its missionary
zeal to further so-called democratic values, the
United States
is currently an empire of arrogance. Non-cooperative nations now
risk either monetary or military strikes from a giant military.
The
cost of maintaining the world’s largest army is not cheap,
although the
US
government would like you to think so. According to the Unified
Budget for 2005, only 18 cents of every tax dollar are spent on
the military, while 41 are spent on Social Security and
Medicare. Sounds like a country whose citizens are well-cared
for, doesn’t it? In actuality, the government is spending
nearly half its budget (or $935 billion) on past and present
military expenses*, while homeless people sleep on the streets
and the number of children without adequate health care
continues to rise.
Which
explains former Secretary of State Alexander Haig’s comments
after New York’s 1982 million-plus protest against nuclear arms—“Let
them march all they want, as long as they continue to pay their
taxes.”
Americans
are beginning to get it. Prior to last year’s tax day, Joan
Baez and friends were again in the news when they issued “An
Appeal to Conscience,” calling upon a citizen’s “moral
duty to speak out against, and avoid cooperation with” the US
war on Iraq through “refusal to pay taxes used to finance
unjust wars, along with refusal by soldiers to fight in them,”
calling it an “effective form of citizen non-cooperation.”
Further, they publicly declared their “encouragement of, and
willingness to lend support to, those persons of conscience who
choose to take this step.”
If
you want peace, stop paying for war.
|
|
How
many took them up on it? According to Ruth Benn, head of the US
National War Tax Resistance Coordinating Committee, once the
unprecedented global demonstrations failed to stop the
US
invasion, Americans began to question what else they could do.
Once the Appeal was issued, the organization received more Web
site hits and more phone calls.
But,
as Benn notes, war tax resistance can feel like a big step. And
in the current culture of fear, further generated by the Patriot
Act which stripped away many privacy rights, many may be afraid
to take that step.
Yet
war tax resistance runs the gamut—from not paying the federal
phone bill tax, established as a war tax during the Vietnam War,
to living below the taxable income level, to not paying income
taxes and redirecting the money to groups whose values one
supports.
Today
there are as many as 8,000 war tax resisters in the
United States, says Benn, though it is difficult to estimate. Those numbers
rise and fall according to current issues. The number of
resisters swelled during the 1980s in opposition to the nuclear
arms race, as it did during the
Vietnam
era.
For
many, the decision to resist is a process; it takes time.
Consider Benn’s journey. She became active with the peace
movement in 1979 in
Western Massachusetts
when the hot issue was President Carter’s institution of draft
registration of 18-year-old males. While tabling her local post
office with information, she knew, as a woman, she would never
have to face registering. War tax resistance was a step she
could take to put herself on the line in a similar way.
“I
have resisted at some level since that time: phone tax or living
below taxable level for some years, and since 1987 I have been
an income tax resister, pretty much 100%. I file and refuse to
pay the IRS. I redirect the money to war relief, local social
service, peace and justice groups. Once I had some money taken
from a bank account for one year, but mostly I just get a lot of
letters from the IRS. I work freelance now.
“Especially
in these days it’s a very good feeling to be a war tax
resister, despite what the consequences may be in the future,”
says Benn.
The
US
is unique from many countries in that we file taxes rather than
have them removed prior to receiving a paycheck. This gives us
the opportunity to make Alexander Haig and the rest of the
neo-conservatives quake in their military issue boots, and to
show the rest of the world a different side of
America.
*These
figures are taken from the 2005 Tax Piechart. Published annually
by the War Resisters League, it is an analysis of the
US
Federal Unified Budget. Current military spending adds together
money allocated for the Dept. of Defense plus the military
portion from other parts of the budget. For example, spending on
nuclear weapons (without their delivery systems) amounts to
about 1% of the total budget. Past military represents
veterans’ benefits plus 80% of the interest on the debt in
proportion to the amount of debt incurred by military
operations.
For
more information, contact the War
Resisters League.
Karen
Button is a freelance writer and activist from Alaska. She can be reached at moonmagick@wildmail.com