 |
| Iyad
Allawi is seen as “too close to the Americans.” |
Iraq
is possibly entering the most dangerous phase of its history.
Everything depends on the meaning, perception and implementation
of one word—sovereignty. Debate around this concept is
intense, and rightly so, as it is the central fulcrum around
which the short- and long-term future of the country will
revolve.
If
one had to choose a theme to characterize this period in Iraq’s
history, it would be “appearance and reality.” Events
following June 30th can either
result in the country’s progress
towards a modicum of stability or disastrous internal strife and
tensions. But what even represents a more insidious danger is
the subtle and invasive threat of the continued presence of the
occupation forces under ulterior guises, and the
hijacking of the country as a surrogate pawn of the US.
The
appearance that the US and UK
are now struggling to promote is that the recently-announced
transitional government heralds a new phase in Iraq’s
history and will lead to autonomy and sovereignty for the
country. However, the new, transitional government is seen by
many, inside and outside Iraq,
as largely an illusion, masking the reality of political
maneuvers and machinations.
The
reality of the situation is very different with the picture
being painted by the coalition. Critics of the transitional
government and promises of Iraqi sovereignty emphasize that the
most imminent and important danger is not the “security
threat,” but rather the possibility of countries attempting to
use the present instability to position themselves for the best
leverage and advantage, thus destroying any hopes of true
sovereignty.
Just
how much of a fiction the transitional government
and democratic promises are, can be seen in the belief that this
new government was chosen by the UN Iraq envoy, Lakhdar Brahimi.
Many claim that this is not true, and some even claim that
Brahimi “allowed the fiction to spread that he, and not Iraqi
political leaders, would pick the new transition government.”1
It
is argued that the present interim government comprises mere
“puppets” who will serve the US
and UK
interests. Iraqi Sunni clerics have already denounced the new
government, claiming that that “it
is a US-shaped
and dominated administration.”
They claim that “there is no difference between the IGC [Iraqi
Governing Council] and the transitional government. They are two
sides of the same coin,” and that “the United
States is
imposing at the head of the government a person known for his
collaboration and ties to the U.S.
intelligence.”
In
the same vein, Iran’s
supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei dismissed the new interim
administration in Baghdad
as a “lackey” government.2
Those
claims refer to the new Prime Minister Iyad
Allawi. Allwai is a prominent exile and leader of the
Iraqi National Accord, a group formed by Iraqi exiles, many of
whom are former Baath Party members who had fled the country. He
was born to a well-known Shiite merchant family in 1945. He
trained as a neurologist. He is seen as being close to the US—and
to the CIA in particular. However, he has recently been critical
of the coalition forces.
The
new President, Ghazi Yawer, is
a civil engineer, businessman and important tribal leader from
the northern town of Mosul.
He, too, is a former exile with strong ties to Washington
and has recently been sharply critical of the Coalition.
Dr.
Iyad Allawi in
particular is seen as “too close to the Americans.”3
Beside the CIA ties, Allawi has also, in recent days, praised
coalition forces, which has a strong hint of complicity.
Many
ordinary Iraqis are critical of the transitional government.
“How can you accept people who came with the occupiers? The
people who were tortured and suffered inside Iraq
deserve these positions.”4
There
is also the strong suspicion that the present conciliatory
gestures and optimistic language by the US
government may be another fiction that is intended for US
audiences, with the eye on the upcoming US
election. “Americans would like to place the guns on Iraqi
shoulders until the US
elections in November. That’s the crux of the matter,” one
commentator suggested.5
Some
elements of Iraqi society feel that constitution of the
government is not representative enough. The claim of
“marginalization and exclusion” has been made by key Shiite
religious groups in Iraq.6
The
assertion that the new Iraqi “government” was handpicked by
the US,
and that it is “pretty much a farce,” has also appeared in
leading publications such as the New
York Times.
“Although
for months the world has believed Iraq’s
new government would be formed by the UN, in the end it was the
choice of the Iraq Governing Council, a US-appointed body made
up mostly of exile politicians with limited public support.”7
The
central question that will be the determining factor in Iraq’s
future is who has the power and control. Who will wield the real
power and who
will in fact hold
the reins of control in the future Iraq?
There
are many pros and cons and variables to the present situation,
but certainly, a biased Iraqi government, clandestinely run by
the coalition, is not likely to lead Iraq
to welfare and unity.
Gary
Smith
is a freelance journalist and researcher based in South Africa.
His special field of research is the situation in Iraq. You can
reach him at gary@imaginet.co.za.
[1]
“Iraq,
June 30 and the Debate on Sovereignty,” Arab News, June
4, 2004
[2]
“Sunni
clerics slam new Iraq government,” The Washington Times,
June 4, 2004.
[3]
Taheri, Amir, “Iraq,
June 30 and the Debate on Sovereignty,” Arab News, June 4,
2004.
[4]
Signy, Helen, “New
Iraqi government looks uncomfortably familiar,” SMH, June
3, 2004
[5]
Financial
Times
[6]
Ibid
[7]
Ibid
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