Home | Iraq in Transition

Updated:Tue. Mar. 21, 2006

 

Reshaping Iraq

One Year Later
Phase II of Iraq Occupation: Division

By Firas Al-Atraqchi
Freelance Columnist

08/04/2004 

A member of the Mahdi militia, Shi’ite leader Moqtada Al-Sadr's Army

After a year watching as US forces led a thinly-veiled coalition to “liberate” Iraq, the war-torn country’s citizens are beginning to fear the specter of civil war leering over the horizon. While some countries cheered the purported US plan to hand over full control of Iraq to the Iraqis on June 30, and others accused the US of bolting and leaving prematurely, some Arab and regional experts are beginning to sense a far more sinister undercurrent: division.

In the buildup to the invasion of Iraq, several editorials in North America supported the division of the country into separate states citing a warped interpretation of historical analyses - there never existed a nation called Iraq, said some. This sounded eerily similar to statements made concerning Palestine - “there never existed a nation called Palestine” is an often-heard chant from the far right.

But how do the powers that be go about slicing up a country and then justifying it? Chaos is the answer. Iraq will be subjected to such chaos that calls for diving the country into stable, secure zones. American lawmakers will claim that the US is caught in a quagmire and that it has no other alternative but division as a viable exit strategy.

And the chaos has already begun.

Two nights before the breakout of hostilities in Gulf War II, I participated in a live television debate hosted by a prominent Canadian talk show host and attended by two influential journalists from Toronto’s dailies and a noted sociology professor.

I explained in no uncertain terms that there was a slight margin of success provided the Bush administration really knew what it was doing. But that was unlikely because there had been too much focus, too much emphasis, and too much energy spent on convincing the world that Iraq was a threat and in possession of WMD. There had been little to no mention of the post-war situation in Iraq. Nothing. No contingency planning. No fiscal planning, no infrastructure planning, no planning to ensure that the country did not dive into civil war. Because so much energy was spent convincing the world that the lies about Iraq were true, Iraqis’ role in rebuilding their own country was overlooked. Ignored, even.

So, my prediction that night was that we would see chaos, but not immediate chaos. I know the Iraqi people. They are a laborious, passionate lot, but they hate to be cheated out of their rights. And Iraq was their right. I predicted that problems would arise month after month, until a full-scale rebellion was in full swing.

As the first anniversary of the toppling of the Saddam statue in Al-Firdous Square comes round, resistance against the US-led Coalition is mounting in some 11 Iraqi cities and towns. Bulgarian, Hungarian, Spanish, Italian, Ukrainian and US forces have come into contact with the most extreme, most intense battles since the war began last year. Scores of Coalition forces are being killed as are hundreds of Iraqi resistance fighters and civilians. A young impassioned Shi’ite cleric, Muqtada Al-Sadr has vowed to liberate Iraq. His Shi’ite supporters, calling themselves the Mahdi Army, have gotten some unsurprising support from Baghdad’s Sunni population. In the Aadhimiya district of Baghdad, Sunnis and Shi’ites fought side by side against US patrols in the city.

Breaking Up Iraq

Iraq is in a perilous state of flux. In traditional physics, an object is motionless unless acted on by an outside force. If Iraq is considered the object, then there are several, often mutually exclusive and contiguous forces impacting the war-ravaged nation.

Force number one: US military occupation of the country, much to the chagrin of an overwhelming majority of Iraqis.

Force number two: This one could be called forcelessness - the presence of a power vacuum, no legitimate government to independently oversee Iraqi national affairs.

Force number three: After 1400 years of being sidelined, enduring Umayyad, Abbasid and Ba’athist persecution, Iraq’s Shi’ite community is finally within grasp of realizing political representation. Consequently, their call for elections will likely never dissipate but grow stronger with time.

Force number four: Iraq’s Sunni community is wary, but not necessarily opposed to Shi’ite political power. They fear marginalization and loss of influence.

Force number five: Iraq’s Kurdish community is adamant that they deserve more territory in their self-governed polity. Demands for the absorption of Kirkuk into Kurdish territory are causing havoc in northern Iraq.

Force number six: Iraq’s Shi’ite, Sunni, Turkoman, Assyrian, Christian, and other ethnicities fear Kurdish secession, and are vowing to fight to protect Iraq’s integrity.

Force number seven: Civilian administrator L. Paul Bremer. Most Iraqis are well-aware that Bremer holds the final cards. It is his signature that codifies Iraqi laws, policies, and affairs.

The above are internal forces gripping at Iraq; let us momentarily shelve external forces (Iran, Syria, Israel, Turkey, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia).

Seven forces tugging at 24 million people floating on a sea of much-coveted oil. Picture a pizza pie in the making. Picture seven children all vying to bake the pie, small hands pulling and stretching until the pie is a convoluted pile of flour and dough. Will the opposing forces at work in Iraq tear the country at the seams?

Barring a miracle, or a regional conference addressing the concerns and needs of every Iraqi ethnicity (the lack thereof certainly gives room for pause), Iraq will likely become the pile of disarrayed flour and dough.

Washington think tanks and members of such “research” institutes, like the Carnegie Endowment for Peace, may ridicule any warnings that Iraq is on the verge of disintegration. However, they are not among the Iraqi people, nor in the region for that matter. There is a boil in the brew in Iraq and the Arab World. And things are not getting better.

Firas Al-Atraqchi is a Canadian journalist of Iraqi heritage. Holding an MA in Journalism and Mass Communication, he has eleven years of experience covering Middle East issues, oil and gas markets, and the telecom industry. You can reach him at firascape@hotmail.com.


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