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The Modernist Approach to Hadith Studies
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Modernist
Islam is both unique in its expression and yet so clearly an
exported product of its Western counterpart. Like Western modernism,
Islamic modernism is difficult to define: it is rather the general
rubric for a series of metaphysical, epistemological, and heuristic
trends that stand as a stark antithesis to traditionalism. Simply
stated for the purposes of our study, traditionalism represents the
epistemological paradigm whose legitimacy rests upon an unbroken
chain (silsila) of knowledge transfer, the starting point of
which is God Himself. In the words of the Christian traditionalist
James Cutsinger, “Where revelation is the projection of God into
space, tradition is the extension of revelation through time.”[1]
Thus, if a stone’s dropping into a pool of water represents
revelation, and the subsequent concentric waves that radiate from
the point of entry represent tradition, then modernism could be
visualized as a ring floating above (or below) the farthest
periphery of the waves that is disconnected both horizontally from
the water and vertically from the trajectory of the stone.[2]
While neither Islamic traditionalism nor modernism is a factor of
era per say, the latter phenomena is undoubtedly an upshot of
Western colonialism in the Muslim world.[3] It did
not, however, fully displace traditionalism, which can still be
found today, albeit rarely in an unadulterated form.
While
neither Islamic traditionalism nor modernism is a factor of
era per say, the latter phenomena is undoubtedly an upshot
of Western colonialism in the Muslim world. |
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Distinguishing
Islamic traditionalism from modernism helps a person to sort and
filter knowledge, while allowing him to recognize predispositions
and assumptions within both camps. Once he is comfortable with a
particular methodology, the designations promote efficiency in his
search for knowledge by allowing him to limit his study to a
specific school. With this advantage in mind, two questions must be
leveled at a methodology in order to determine its position within
the traditionalist-modernist spectrum. First, what is its definition
of knowledge? The modernist school often seeks to oversimplify areas
of scholarly debate into unequivocal terms, be it in the form of
prayer posters that advertise the “correct” way to pray or books
such as Sayyid Sabiq’s ubiquitous Fiqh us-Sunnah, which
attempts to abolish 1,400 years of juristic disagreement in a few
slim volumes. The traditionalist school, on the other hand, rarefies
its knowledge with the passage of time through commentaries and précis
of earlier texts, while simplification occurs only through a
gradation of the material to correspond with students’ relative
levels of proficiency. Additionally, the source of knowledge is a
point of difference between modernists and traditionalists. The
latter category, in keeping with its insistence upon an unbroken
chain of knowledge transfer, regards human beings as the sole
vehicles for knowledge while books and other inanimate mediums are
merely tools to facilitate its transmission. Conversely, modernists
implicitly raise non-human media to the same level of their human
originators by employing pamphlets, books, and audio-visual
technologies as a viable alternative to human instruction.[4]
Second,
to which scholars does a particular methodology owe its allegiance?
Islamic modernists frequently cite the opinions and interpretations
of scholars from either the earliest or the most recent generations,
while overlooking, criticizing, or even denying the rulings and
commentaries of scholars from the classical Islamic period in
between.[5]
Traditionalists,
on the other hand, seek to garner intellectual legitimacy by
referencing the opinions and works of classical scholars. According
to them, correct interpretation of Islamic primary sources can only
be ensured through adherence to an unbroken chain of knowledge, for
the earliest generations understood the Qur’an and prophetic
Precedence (Sunnah) on such a profound level that later generations
cannot hope to access their knowledge without recourse in a legacy
of qualified scholarship. Regardless of the seemingly incongruous
nature of these two methodologies, the traditionalist-modernist
paradigm is a spectrum rather than two distinct schools of thought,
and lines of demarcation are not always clear-cut.
While
modernist tendencies have infiltrated many of the traditional
Islamic sciences, the field of Hadith studies stands as a microcosm
of modernism’s far-reaching influence and as such will be the
focus of our analysis. Legal and theological rulings are what drive
any interpretation or reinterpretation of an Islamic original
source, and consequently Hadith studies and law are inextricably
connected. According to varying degrees, all Hadith have legal
implications, while the evaluation and interpretation of them is
typically viewed in light of law. Were this not the case, then
difference of opinion in Hadith criticism would be a trivial matter
and not the source of sectarianism that it in fact is. From the
perspective of both Hadith studies and overall scholarly
methodology, there exist four major subdivisions within modernist
Islam: Each subgroup’s approach towards Hadith reflects its
general attitude towards the Islamic sciences. Our study is
essentially concerned with the treatment of Hadith within the
modernist camp, though where appropriate, we will also mention some
corollary implications within other disciplines and sciences of a
particular subgroup’s methodology.
The
Wahhabi Approach
The
field of Hadith studies stands as a microcosm of
modernism’s far-reaching influence... |
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The
Wahhabi school, or Salafi traditionalism as it has been called by
the Muslim intellectual Tariq Ramadan,[6] has
experienced a dramatic intellectual proliferation across the Muslim
world within the past few decades. Pamphlets espousing the Wahhabi
creed and methodology sprinkle the mosques of even the remotest
Muslim lands, while the school has a veritable monopoly on public
speeches, lessons, and activities within the holy sanctuaries of
Makkah and Madinah. The group’s founder and eponym, Muhammad ibn
`Abdul-Wahhab (d. 1206/1792), was a Hanbali reformist from the
eastern highlands of the Arabian Peninsula who sought to purge Islam
from what he saw as heretical accretions in the form of rationalism,
Sufism, and naïve adherence to juristic schools (taqlid). In
the process of forcibly instituting these purifications upon the
Muslim populace of the region, Ibn `Abdul-Wahhab mounted a
formidable insurrection against the “corrupt” Ottoman rulers
that was ultimately quelled by the army of Muhammad `Ali in
1234/1818. Nevertheless, Wahhabi doctrines persisted in the region,
posing as little more than a nuisance to the caravans of Muslim
pilgrims until `Abdul-`Aziz ibn As-Sa`ud (r. 1319/1902 –
1373/1953) adopted the ideology as the official doctrine of what
would become Saudi Arabia.[7] Owing to vast oil
revenues and its unique position as the patron-nation of the holiest
sanctuaries in Islam, the Saudi Arabian government, with the help of
its scholars, has propagated the ideology of Ibn `Abdul-Wahhab
around the world. Furthermore, within the past few years, Wahhabism
has come to dominate Internet Islam. It has met with different
levels of intellectual acceptance among Muslim populations.
The
Wahhabi school seeks to remove all grey area from the Islamic
sciences in an effort to produce absolute answers to legal and
theological questions. As such, Wahhabi scholars tend to practice
rigid adherence (taqlid) to “rigorously authenticated” (sahih)
Hadith, most notably those found in the Sahihs of Al-Bukhari
and Muslim. For the other canonical books of Hadith, the Wahhabi
school often relies upon the reevaluations of contemporary scholars,
particularly those found in the mustadrak[8]
works of Nasir Ad-Din Al-Albani. For example, the author of the
widespread booklet of prophetic invocations Hisn Al-Muslim (The
Fortification of the Muslim) insists upon Al-Albani’s
reassessment of authenticity for most of the Hadith drawn upon that
originate in the classical collections of Ibn Majah, At-Tirmidhi,
Abu Dawud, Ahmad, Malik, and others.[9]
Wahhabi
scholars tend to practice rigid adherence (taqlid) to
“rigorously authenticated” (sahih) Hadith, most
notably those found in the Sahihs of Al-Bukhari and Muslim. |
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Wahhabi
jurists are unique in their unwavering insistence upon directly
quoting the Islamic primary sources, particularly rigorously
authenticated Hadith, in an effort to garner legitimacy for their
legal and theological rulings by demonstrating their exclusive
reliance upon the Qur’an and Sunnah and not the opinions of mortal
men. With the possible exception of Ibn Taymiyah, Islamic jurists
from the classical period are rarely mentioned; rather, the Wahhabi
approach is to present a ruling or fatwa along with its primary
evidences in a highly abridged format for use and citation by lesser
scholars and laymen. This stands in direct opposition to the
traditionalist attitude towards religious rulings and fatwas, in
which citing the opinions of one or more classical scholars from the
preceding generations in lieu of primary evidences is viewed as a
means of maintaining the sincerity of the contemporary scholar, who
represents a vehicle for knowledge rather than an originator of it.
Additionally, such an approach serves to express the contemporary
scholar’s gratitude and reverence towards the consummate scholars
of eras past.
An
additional idiosyncrasy of the Wahhabi school lies in its functional
marginalization of weak (da`if) Hadith, thereby implicitly
equating them with spurious (mawdu`) ones. This attitude is
reflected in the words of Al-Albani:
It
has become well known among many scholars and students that it is
permissible to act upon weak Hadith with regard to excellent
actions. … And this is clearly not correct... Acting upon it is
permissible if that action is established by [an authentic] proof,
but I do not think that the majority of those who hold this saying
intend this meaning, even though it is clear since we find them
acting upon weak Hadith comprising actions not established by
authentic Hadith; for example, al-Nawawi’s declaring it to be
recommended to respond to the words, “The prayer is commencing,”
with, “May God establish it and make it endure,” even though the
Hadith about it is weak.[10]
In
response to this innovative approach to Hadith studies, the
traditionalist scholar Nuh Ha Mim Keller explains:
Weak
[hadith] cannot simply be equated with false [hadith]. Were
this the case, mere analysis of the transmitters would be the
universal criterion for acceptance or rejection of particular
rulings based on hadiths. While scholars do use this measure in
upgrading the work of preceding generations of legal authorities,
they have not employed it as a simplistic expedient to eliminate
every piece of legal information that is connected with a weak
hadith, because of various considerations.[11]
While
it is beyond the scope of this study to detail in full the
traditionalist considerations that admit the use of weak Hadith, the
crux of the argument derives from the possibility of multiple means
of transmission of a particular hadith. In other words, should a
hadith be related through many different chains of transmission (asanid,
sing. isnad), the probability of its falsity drops while the
degree of its authenticity and consequent authority are enhanced,
even though its chains of transmission may all be weak when
considered individually. The Wahhabi approach, on the other hand,
represents a further example of the school’s attempt to purge the
Islamic sciences of the grey areas of scholarly debate, in which
weak Hadith and their juristic implications are clearly a key
component.
In
addition to its novel attitude towards Hadith classification, the
Wahhabi school is similarly unique in its naïve adherence to the
Hadith found in the Sahihs of Al-Bukhari and Muslim in
matters of Islamic catechism. Regarding the primary sources of
theology (`aqeedah), traditionalists base their catechism
upon the Qur’an and those Hadith that have been reported through
so many channels of transmission that the possibility of their
spuriousness is rationally impossible.[12] In
contrast, the Wahhabi school gives preponderance to the authenticity
of a particular hadith’s chain of transmission over the frequency
of its transmission. Hence, theological rulings can be derived from
the Sahihs of Al-Bukhari and Muslim, the two most authentic
compilations of Hadith. A startling example of this trend is found
in Muhammad Taqi Al-Din Al-Hilali and Muhammad Muhsin Khan’s
Interpretation of the Meanings of the Noble Qur’an, the
official Wahhabi translation of the Qur’an in the English
language. The text translates verse 42 of Surat Al-Qalam as
[(Remember) the Day when the Shin shall be laid bare (i.e., the Day
of Resurrection) and they shall be called to prostrate themselves
(to Allah), but they (hypocrites) shall not be able to do so.] In
order to elucidate the word shin, two footnotes accompany the
English text, one of which refers the reader to an earlier footnote
that reads as follows:
All
that has been revealed in Allah’s Book as regards the Qualities of
Allah, the Most High, like His Face, Eyes, Hands, Shins (Legs), His
Coming, His rising over His Throne and others, of all the Allah’s
Messenger qualified Him in the true authentic [sic] Prophet’s
[Hadith] as regards His Qualities like His Descent or His Laughing
and others, the religious scholars of the Qur’an and Sunna believe
in these Qualities of Allah and they confirm that these are really
His Qualities, without Ta’wil (interpreting their meanings into
different things) or Tashbih (giving resemblance or similarity to
any of the creatures) or Ta`ţil (i.e. completely ignoring or
denying them, i.e. there is no Face, or Eyes, or Hands, or Shins for
Allah). [emphasis added][13]
It
is difficult to see how the translators derived “the Day when the
Shin shall be laid bare” from the original Arabic, which in fact
is employing a common classical Arabic locution that denotes a day
of severity from which there is no escape. In pre-Islamic battles,
warriors would raise their garments to facilitate combat, and with
time, the action became a ubiquitous idiom in Arab society. That the
translators are not aware of the expression is astounding, while
their translating an indefinite shin (saaq) as “the Shin,” a
divine quality that necessitates unequivocal faith, hints at a
misunderstanding of the original Arabic.
In
truth, the Wahhabi use of “the Shin” originates in a hadith
found in Al-Bukhari’s Sahih[14] that is
translated into English in the second of the footnotes that qualify
the verse in question. The elaborate hadith depicts the events of
the Day of Judgment, and it culminates in the following account, as
translated by Al-Hilali and Khan:
And
none will speak to Him then but the Prophets. And it will be said to
them, “Do you know any sign by which you can recognize Him?”
They will say, “The Shin,” and so Allah will then uncover His
Shin whereupon every believer will prostrate himself before Him.[15]
In
spite of the English rendering above, Ibn Hajar Al-`Asqalani’s
superlative Fath Al-Bari, the definitive commentary on
Al-Bukhari’s Sahih, mentions numerous explanations of what has
been translated as “the Shin” above,[16] none
of which suggests an anthropomorphic appendage. Arguably, the most
convincing of these explanations is that of Ibn `Abbas in which he
interprets it, “God will surely disclose His Omnipotence
(qudratih) through which the severity [of the Day of Judgment] will
become clear.” Al-Bayhaqi relates it according to two chains of
transmission, both of which are good (hasan). Regardless, the above
instance stands as a poignant example of the Wahhabi school’s
rigid adherence (taqlid) to a hadith’s authenticity with deference
neither to its classical interpretation, to the classical use of the
Arabic language, nor to the classical approach to theological
rulings.
The
Salafi Approach
The
Salafi School as Khalid Abou El Fadl defines it,[17]
or Salafi reformism according to Tariq Ramadan,[18]
is effectively a twentieth-century movement with its origins in
Egypt while still under British colonial rule. Its most prominent
intellectual founder, Muhammad `Abduh (d. 1323/1905), was Sheikh of
Al-Azhar University for a brief period before his death; while prior
to this, he was a supporter and apprentice of the modernist Muslim
philosopher Jamal Ad-Din Al-Afghani (d. 1314/1897). Particularly in
his Qur’anic exegesis (tafsir), `Abduh was skeptical towards ahad
Hadith, or those Traditions that are reported through few chains of
transmission, even if they are deemed rigorously authenticated in
any of the six canonical books of Hadith. Furthermore, he advocated
a reassessment of traditional assumptions even in Hadith studies,
though he did not devise a systematic methodology before his death.[19]
Al-Afghani,
`Abduh, and their later disciples such as Muhammad Rashid Rida (d.
1354/1935) and, to a lesser extent, Muhammad Al-Ghazali (d.
1410/1989) espoused some of the key Wahhabi ideals, particularly the
endeavor to “return” to the Islamic understanding of the first
Muslim generations (as-salaf) by reopening the doors of juristic
deduction (ijtihad) that they saw as closed. In effect, such a
new-fangled policy signified a complete break from the traditional
chain of knowledge transfer and its respective methodology. As such,
the founding fathers of the Salafi movement often found themselves
as the de facto apologists for Ibn `Abdul-Wahhab and his devotees,
who were viewed as little more than an odious nuisance by pilgrims
from traditionalist Muslim countries like Egypt.
Nevertheless,
the Salafi attitude is less myopic than that of the Wahhabis. Salafi
scholars accept juristic disagreement, and notwithstanding their
tendency to oversimplify many of the traditional Islamic sciences,
they do not propound categorical rulings in areas of established
ambiguity. While they view the traditionalist methodology as
essentially archaic and less than ideal, the Salafis nonetheless
deem it acceptable before God, thus rendering it within the
tolerable umbrella of pluralism. Furthermore, they do not altogether
dismiss Sufism or a rational deduction of law, unlike their Wahhabi
counterparts.
the
Salafi School views classical scholarship as a lead-up to
the industrial age...
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Tariq
Ramadan voices a cardinal Salafi adage when he writes, “Our
knowledge regarding Hadith authentication is more precise today.”[20]
In other words, the Salafi School views classical scholarship as a
lead-up to the industrial age in which most primary Islamic sources
have been quantified, appraised, and printed, thus making it
possible to derive superior juristic rulings that were not possible
in generations past. However, while Ramadan’s logic is admittedly
more sophisticated than the above representation, his Hadith
argument is flawed when taken as a claim against traditional
juristic schools (madhahib, sing. madhhab). Modernists frequently
perceive naïve adherence to one of the four schools of Islamic law
as obsolete since none of the four schools’ eponyms had access to
the complete corpus of Hadith that we have today. In fact, a
juristic school comprises a series of principles (usul) that admit
the injection of additional Hadith even after the death of the
school’s original founder. In response to claims like those of
Tariq Ramadan, Nuh Ha Mim Keller writes:
In
respect to the contention that the Imams “did not incorporate all
the Hadiths into their madhhabs;” while undoubtedly true in some
instances (as knowledge of all Hadiths is probably impossible), what
they missed was not ignored by the succeeding generations of top
scholars who followed them in each school, rechecking their
evidences and conclusions, and revised their Imams’ madhhabs.[21]
Keller
proceeds to mention examples from each of the four juristic schools
of Islam in which a later-day scholar upgrades and changes the
ruling of his particular imam, thereby making the school’s
official edict differ from that of its original founder. Regardless,
a glimmer of the Wahhabi influence shines through the Salafi
contention, specifically, that a reevaluation of Hadith
authentication is an effective method to generate unequivocal
juristic rulings in place of the classical legacy of scholarly
disagreement.
Unlike
the Wahhabis, the Salafi approach to the Islamic sciences does not
lay great emphasis upon rote memorization of texts beyond the
Qur’an. This may be a factor of `Abduh’s foremost complaint
against Al-Azhar’s curriculum: It focuses heavily on memorization
often at the expense of a student’s proper understanding.
Additionally, Salafis are at the forefront of the audio-visual
learning movement in Islam. As such, they champion the idea that
knowledge can be obtained in books and supplemented with human
contact. Traditionalists, on the other hands, view book knowledge as
information at best—a dangerous ingredient when taken alone.
The
Salafabi Approach
Combining
the most extreme tendencies of the Wahhabi and Salafi schools while
adding a distinctly militant twist, the Salafabi School as Abou El
Fadl labels it,[22] or the political or literalist
Salafiya according to Tariq Ramadan,[23] is no
doubt an angry reaction to both Western colonization of the Muslim
world in the past few centuries and the moral relativism and laxity
seen to accompany globalization in the postmodern period. Infamous
media figures such as Osama bin Laden and Ayman Al-Zawahiri
epitomize the bellicose vigilantism that distinguishes the practical
ideals of the school, which Abou El- Fadl perspicaciously defines
as:
A
supremacist puritanism that compensates for feelings of defeatism,
disempowerment, and alienation with a distinct sense of
self-righteous arrogance vis-à-vis the nondescript
“other”—whether the “other” is the West, non-believers in
general, or even Muslim women.[24]
The
Salafabi methodology is unique in its use of evidences from the
Qur’an and Hadith to legitimize preexisting juristic arguments and
rulings that are often violent in nature. As such, Salafabi
preachers rely primarily on Qur’anic citations, for divine
scripture lends itself to open and irrefutable interpretations,[25]
though some adherents of the school commit a limited array of Hadith
and their implications to memory that are primarily of a political
nature. For example, in response to the Islamic narration often
attributed to the Prophet Muhammad, “We have returned from the
lesser jihad to the greater jihad,”[26] which
implies that the struggle against the indulgences of the soul is
superior to fighting against the enemies of God, a Salafabi may
remind his ideological opponent that this narration is at best a
weakly authenticated report, though more likely a forgery. While the
objective may stand up to scholarly scrutiny, that a layman has
memorized such an esoteric piece of information is evidence of a
polemical agenda.
The
Salafabi methodology is unique in its use of evidences from
the Qur’an and Hadith to legitimize preexisting juristic
arguments and rulings that are often violent in nature. |
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With
regard to Hadith that they deem acceptable, Salafabis often ignore
classical commentaries and understanding, save the atypical or even
obscure classical ruling that supports their argument. A prime
example of this can be seen in the December 2001 public statement of
Osama bin Laden that was aired on Al-Jazeera news, in which bin
Laden refers to a Hadith, reported in the Sahih of Muslim and
included in Imam An-Nawawi’s celebrated Riyad As-Salihin (The
Gardens of the Righteous), that centers around the story of a boy
who learns faith from a monk and is subsequently persecuted for his
beliefs by a wicked tyrant. Bin Laden says:
This
Hadith of the boy: when the boy took the stone, while still
possessing little knowledge and vacillating between the magician and
the monk, and the beast hindered the people from the street, he
said, “Today I shall know who is better: the monk or the
magician,” … So he took a stone and struck the beast, killing
it. Then, the monk came to the boy and said, “O my son! Today you
are better than me,” … in spite the knowledge of the monk and
the ignorance of the boy! … Thus, the measure of excellence in
this religion, as it comes in the Hadith of our Prophet (may peace
and blessings be upon him); the measure of faith is not merely
gathering knowledge, rather it is gathering knowledge and actions.[27]
In
other words, bin Laden uses the Hadith to indicate that the actions
of the September 11 hijackers prove their superiority in faith to
the entirety of Islamic scholars who have no such actions to their
names. According to bin Laden, the boy’s violence against the
beast correlates to the hijackers’ violence against the American
people: Both “justified” acts of violence confirm the worth of
the perpetrators before God and the rest of humanity. In contrast,
the illustrious scholar from the classical period of Islam, Imam
An-Nawawi (d. 676/1277) mentions the same Hadith within his chapter
of “Patience,” which is introduced by several verses from the
Qur’an, among them, [But indeed if any show patience and forgive,
that would be an affair of great resolution.][28]
Hence, An-Nawawi reads the hadith as a lesson in non-violent
perseverance in the face horrible tyranny. Ironically, owing to the
popularity and convenience of An-Nawawi’s text, it is reasonable
to assume that bin Laden first learned of the hadith from Riyad
As-Salihin.
The
Liberalist Approach
What
Tariq Ramadan categorizes as liberal or rationalist reformism[29]
is rather the olla podrida of the modernist movement: Though
fundamentally different in its approach from the other three
modernist sub-schools, it is nonetheless a miscellaneous rubric.
“Liberal” here, according to Ramadan, refers to the modern
Western definition of the term, meaning favoring the primacy
of the individual,[30] and advocates of this
methodology often identify themselves in contrast to the
“fundamentalists”—an amoebic term, “which to their way of
thinking covers all other tendencies than their own.”[31]
Extreme strains of the liberalist school go so far as to challenge
the authority of the Qur’an and prophetic Sunnah in a Muslim’s
life, as can be seen in the article “Sexuality, Diversity, and
Ethics in the Agenda of Progressive Muslims” by Scott Kugle in the
liberalist publication Progressive Muslims:
It
is very difficult to establish the authenticity of most reports that
circulate in the name of the Prophet Muhammad. … In the
contemporary period, there are less and less scholars who are
trained in Hadith criticism. Wahhabi and Salafi scholars, who may
have such training, have no motive to critique Hadith, for in their
zeal to escape history and return to the Prophet’s own time, they
reify Hadith as unquestionable building blocks for their monolithic
iconic image of the Prophet’s exemplary behavior.[32]
Conservative
liberalists, on the other hand, may be indistinguishable from the
Salafi outlook. Even so, while it is difficult to pigeonhole the
liberalists as a whole, they are clearly a product of the West
through either naturalization or colonization.
Extreme
strains of the liberalist school go so far as to challenge
the authority of the Qur’an and prophetic Sunnah in a
Muslim’s life… |
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Ironically,
the liberalist intelligentsia frequently mirrors the approach of its
Salafabi adversaries by fashioning its arguments and subsequently
establishing legitimacy for them through novel interpretations of
the Qur’an and Hadith. Kugle’s article represents such an
approach to “revisionist” Hadith studies. In an attempt to
establish legitimacy for homosexuality in Islam, the author writes:
A
review of Hadith from the two most reliable collections (Sahih
Muslim and Sahih al-Bukhari) reveals no evidence that the Prophet
asserted, in word or deed, that homosexual relations were a hadd
crime, or were to be equated with adultery, or ever punished any
persons for “crimes” related to homosexuality. Nor is there any
Hadith in these two most authentic collections in which the Prophet
discusses [Lot] in relationship to sexual acts or relationships.
This writer further suspects that the very terms Luti and Liwat are
not found in the authentic Hadith, although this would take more
research to substantiate.[33]
In
effect, Kugle is limiting the gamut of legally applicable Hadith to
those found in the two most authentic collections, thereby rendering
the vast majority of Hadith irrelevant. Reminiscent of the Wahhabi
approach, Kugle is performing naïve adherence (taqlid) on almost an
absolute level to the Hadith found in the Sahihs of Al-Bukhari and
Muslim, though unlike the Wahhabis, he discards all other Hadith in
order to substantiate his preexisting argument. The “general
conclusions about Hadith” that Kugle derives after his glib and
unscholarly research are astonishing:
Most
reports in which the Prophet reportedly condemns same-sex activities
have weak chains of transmission and are found in Hadith collections
that are not the most authoritative. Hadith scholars in the medieval
period (when Hadith criticism was still actively pursued in Muslim
communities) explicitly debunked some of them for having forged
chains of transmission. In the earliest period, jurists did not
agree as to which Hadith might be authentic and strong enough to
form the basis of legal opinions. [emphasis added][34]
That
medieval scholars debunked some Hadith and that they did not agree
unanimously to their levels of authenticity are unconvincing reasons
to discard the bulk of the Hadith corpus. By this rationale, the
Hadith found in the Sahihs of Al-Bukhari and Muslim can be
discarded, for a handful of later scholars disagreed to their level
of authenticity as well. Furthermore, Kugle states that most Hadith
condemning same-sex relations carry weak chains of authority, while
one could venture to say that most Hadith that report the virtues of
reciting the Qur’an are reported according to weak chains of
authority, though no scholar (or layman) has ever used this to prove
that reciting the Qur’an is not a virtuous deed. One can assume
that if all Hadith that condemn homosexual relations were weak in
their chains of authority, Kugle would have been vociferous in
pointing this out. That he specifically states that “most
Hadith” are weak is strong grounds to believe that there exist
Hadith to the same purport with strong chains of authority.
Kugle’s
attitude towards Hadith studies is extreme in its oversimplification
but not unusual in the modern era. Nevertheless, it represents a
clear break from the other three modernist schools, which maintain
at least some deference towards the opinions of classical scholars.
Traditionalism
is not a time-capsule approach to the Islamic intellectual
sciences; rather, it adapts to the needs of the hour while
never relinquishing the unbroken chain of knowledge
transfer.
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While
it may be difficult for the present author to stifle his personal
sentiments at times, the above analysis is not meant to promote a
value judgment of the modernist approach to Hadith studies. For a
well-reasoned counterargument, particularly from the Salafi
perspective, interested parties are advised to see Tariq Ramadan’s
To Be a European Muslim. The text epitomizes a sound presentation of
the modernist concerns and objectives, while it is written in a
style and format that remains true to the Islamic intellectual
tradition of excellence. In an age when the majority of modernist
publications flout the Islamic concept of ihsan (excellence), either
by breaking from linguistic standardization or through poor grammar
and style, Ramadan’s book comes as a welcome surprise.
On
a concluding note, a chief complaint leveled against the
traditionalist methodology by its detractors lies in what is seen as
its inherent inability to adjust to the modern world. While this may
be a reasonable allegation in the case of certain interpretations of
traditionalism, the approach itself has demonstrated its dynamic
ability to redefine itself throughout the fourteen centuries of
Islamic history. Traditionalism is not a time-capsule approach to
the Islamic intellectual sciences; rather, it adapts to the needs of
the hour while never relinquishing the unbroken chain of knowledge
transfer. While some modernists would view this insistence upon
traditional knowledge as the raison d’être for the contemporary
disgrace of the Islamic world, a traditionalist would argue that
breaking ourselves from a direct nexus with the divine is the source
of all our woes.
*
Noor
al-Deen Atabek is a researcher in Islamic Studies.
[1]
James S. Cutsinger, “An Open Letter on Tradition,” Modern
Age, vol. 36, issue 3, 1994.
[2]
The stone analogy is an adaptation of that of James S.
Cutsinger.
[3]
Even the movement of Ibn `Abdul-Wahhab, though initially a
reaction to Ottoman colonialism in the Arab world, found its
chief propagators espousing its dialectics as a response to
Western intellectual colonization.
[4]
The teach-yourself-Islam approach of modernist institutions such
as the American Open University is a prime example of equating
book knowledge with human instruction.
[5]
An exception to this tendency is certain modernist schools’
frequent citation of Ibn Taymiyah (d. 728/1328), who himself
earned a reputation for iconoclasm by reassessing the first
generation of Islamic scholarship not infrequently in
contravention of classical interpretations.
[6]
Tariq Ramadan, To Be a European Muslim. Islamic Foundation:
Leicester, 2002, p. 240.
[7]
Khalid Abou El Fadl, “The Ugly Modern and the Modern Ugly:
Reclaiming the Beautiful in Islam.” Progressive Muslims, ed.
Omid Safi. Oneworld: Oxford, 2003, p. 52.
[8]
A mustadrak text is a collection of Hadith “in which the
compiler, having accepted the conditions laid down by a previous
compiler, collects together such other traditions as fulfill
those conditions and were missed by his predecessor.” Muhammad
Zubayr Siddiqi, Hadith Literature. Islamic Texts Society:
Cambridge, 1993, p. 12.
[9]
See the appendix of Hisn Al-Muslim (Safīr Press: Riyadh).
[11]
Nuh Ha Mim Keller (transl. and editor), The Reliance of the
Traveller. Amana Publications: Beltsville, 1999, p. 954.
[12]
They are called mutawatir hadiths.
[13]
Muhammad Taqi Al-Din Al-Hilali and Muhammad Muhsin Khan,
Interpretation of the Meanings of the Noble Qur’an.
Darussalam: Riyadh, 1996, pp. 133-4.
[14]
See Sahih Al-Bukhari, Book of Tawhid, No. 6886 for the original
Arabic.
[15]
Muhammad Taqi Al-Din Al-Hilali and Muhammad Muhsin Khan, 1996,
pp. 1128-29.
[16]
Selections from Ibn Hajar Al-`Asqalani’s Fath al-Bari were
accessed on www.al-islam.com
on 22 May 2004.
[17]
Khalid Abou El Fadl, 2003, pp. 55–57.
[18]
Tariq Ramadan, 2002, pp. 241-2.
[19]
Daniel W. Brown, Rethinking Tradition in Modern Islamic
Thought.
Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1996, p. 37.
[20]
Tariq Ramadan, 2002, pp. 95-6.
[21]
Nuh Ha Mim Keller, Al-Maqasid: Nawawi’s Manual of Islam.
Revised and expanded edition. Amana Publications: Beltsville,
2002, pp. 134-5.
[22]
Khalid Abou El Fadl, 2003, pp. 57-62.
[23]
Tariq Ramadan, 2002, pp. 242-3.
[24]
Khalid Abou El Fadl, 2003, p. 58.
[25]
For more information on the disingenuous Qur’anic
interpretations of the Salafabi school, see David Dakake’s
“Myth of a Militant Islam” in Islam, Fundamentalism, and the
Betrayal of Tradition, ed. Joseph E. B. Lumbard. World Wisdom:
Bloomington, 2004, pp. 3-38.
[26]
Bayhaqi, Kitab Az-Zuhd.
[27]
The original Arabic transcript of this speech was obtained on www.aljazeera.net
in December of 2001. I could not relocate it in the archives.
[29]
Tariq Ramadan, 2002, pp. 243-4.
[30]
Tariq Ramadan, 2002, p. 244.
[31]
Tariq Ramadan, 2002, p. 247.
[32]
Scott Kugle, “Sexuality, Diversity, and Ethics in the Agenda
of Progressive Muslims.” Progressive Muslims, ed. Omid Safi.
Oneworld: Oxford, 2003, p. 220.
[33]
Scott Kugle, 2003, p. 220.
[34]
Scott Kugle, 2003, pp. 220-21.
[35]
Even the movement of Ibn `Abdul-Wahhab, though initially a
reaction to Ottoman colonialism in the Arab world, found its
chief propagators espousing its dialectics as a response to
Western intellectual colonization.
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