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Secular Values and the Process of Secularisation*
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French
philosopher Voltaire, who wanted the church exterminated
(écrasez l’infame!). |
Abstract:
For clarity, the author chooses to explore the process of
secularisation by
a specific example, namely the history of the university in the
Western world.
From
there he widens the picture to bring in other secularized areas of
modern Western
society and in the light of that he explores the terms
secularisation and secularism.
This involves revisiting the period of the major debate on
secularization and the secular in Europe
and America during the 1960s.
He goes on to discuss the formation of value
judgments on secularisation, and ends the paper by demonstrating
where views on secularisation and secular values have changed (or
not changed) over the past generation.
1.
The secularisation of the university
Secularisation
is best illustrated by tracing in detail the development over
history of a particular institution. I have chosen the university,
but as I shall indicate, the same pattern could be traced through
the development of hospitals or schools.
Universities
in Western Europe
developed out of a concern to provide a better education than that
given by the cathedral and monastic schools, not least by including
scholars from foreign countries among their members[1]. The first
real university was founded at Bologna late in the eleventh century. It was a church body and became a
widely respected school of canon law and civil law, but no great
names are associated with it. That is not the case with the University
of Paris, which formed during the twelfth century and boasted such renowned
figures as Peter Lombard, Hugh and Richard of St Victor, and Abelard
as its ‘founders’. The term universitas was applied to it in
1207. The University
of Oxford developed at around the same time, and there were many links between
it and Paris.
From
the thirteenth century on, universities were established in many of
the principal cities of Europe: the universities of Montpellier, Padua
and Salamanca and Cambridge were founded in the thirteenth century; St Andrews and Glasgow in
the fifteenth.
It
has to be remembered that after the fall of the Roman empire, in
Western Europe
for the second half of the first millennium the church was the sole
vehicle of literacy and learning, so it is no surprise that the
church came to provide education at all levels. The early
universities were free to govern themselves provided that they
taught neither atheism nor heresy, but they were still firmly rooted
in the church, and teaching was in Latin.
Up
to the eighteenth century most universities offered a curriculum
based on the liberal arts: grammar, logic, rhetoric, arithmetic,
astronomy and music. Students then went on to study in one of the
professional faculties of medicine, law and theology.
It
has to be remembered that after the fall of the Roman empire, in
Western Europe
for the second half of the first millennium the church was
the sole vehicle of literacy and learning…
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The
Reformation and Counter-Reformation in the sixteenth century
affected the universities of Europe. Now that the church was split into Protestant and Catholic, in the
German states the Protestants founded new universities and took over
older schools to counter those established universities which had
become Catholic. Universities proved to be something like religious
status symbols. But they were entrenched in defending correct
religious doctrines and as a result they resisted the new interest
in science which had seized Europe. They therefore went into relative decline.
The
first modern university was in Halle, Germany, founded by Lutherans in 1694. This was a pioneer in renouncing
religious orthodoxy of
any kind in favour of rational and objective study, and it was the
first university at which teachers lectured in a vernacular language
(German) rather than Latin. These innovations were adopted and
developed by other universities; at Göttingen University, founded in 1736, research and teaching were combined for the first
time. In due course the innovations also spread to America and determined the type of university that came to be established
there.
The
date of the founding of Halle University
is important. One of the great watersheds of European history, the
Peace of Westphalia, was in 1648.
This ‘peace’ was a treaty concluding the Thirty Years’ War, a
disastrous religious war which had ravaged
Europe
[2]. Such was the disillusionment
caused by this religious war that new authorities and
values
came to be sought, and soon reason was fixed upon as the new
leading
cultural value. In the next century, the American and French
Revolutions
were further to support this emphasis on reason, and what
has
come to be called the Enlightenment, a wave of ideas based on reason
and a scientific approach, not only dominated much of intellectual
Europe but also led to clashes with the church. This is evidenced,
for example, by the French philosopher Voltaire, who wanted the
church exterminated (écrasez l’infame!).
Such
was the disillusionment caused by this religious ['Thirty
Years'] war that new authorities and values came to be
sought, and soon reason was fixed upon as the new leading
cultural value. |
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With
the decline in religion as a force in education, during the late
eighteenth and nineteenth century the European universities along
the pattern of
Halle
and Göttingen became institutions of modern learning and
research. For example, in the
University
of
Berlin
, founded in 1809, laboratory experimentation replaced conjecture;
traditional doctrines were examined
with a new rigour and objectivity; and modern standards of academic
freedom were pioneered. The university became increasingly
complex
and comprised more and more schools or faculties.
Inevitably
this development drew the universities out of the sphere of the
church, where they had begun. Most universities became
state-financed, and the range of subjects was greatly increased.
However, the hold of the church on the universities proved
tenacious. In
England
up to around 1850, only members of the Church of England could
attend
Oxford
University
, and even when after acts of Parliament in 1854 and 1845 the
university was opened to members of any religion or none, the
government of the university and its colleges and the teaching in
them was reserved to members of the Church of England. Not until
1871 were all degrees and offices (except offices specifically
related to ordained clergy) opened to all men of any religion or
none. Admission of women came much later, towards the end of the
century. All this was brought about only after a bitter and
long-drawn-out fight with the church[3].
Surprisingly,
although the ideal of the German university became so
influential
throughout the Western world, in
Germany
today the battle
which
was fought and won by the secular side in
England in the nineteenth
century is still going on in the area of theology. This is not least
because a church tax is paid to the state by all Protestants and
Catholics who do not choose to opt out of it, and the proceeds from
it keep the denominational divides institutionally alive. In
theology, German universities have separate Protestant and Catholic
faculties, teaching different curricula, and admission to them is
strictly regulated. Those doing doctorates in theology have to be
baptized Christians. This makes it impossible to for, say, a Jew to
do a doctorate on the life of Jesus, even though Jesus was a Jew! In
the once-pioneering
university
of
Göttingen
a professor of New Testament who has declared that he is no longer a
Christian has been removed from his post and transferred out of the
faculty of theology although what he teaches academically, how he
teaches it, and the methods and sources which he uses are in no way
different from those of his professorial colleagues who remain
Christians[4].
Of
course there are still ‘private’ religious universities, and
over recent years
the term ‘university’ has been spread wider and wider, as have
its disciplines. But the main trend is quite clear. Having begun as
institutions of the church, the universities have now largely become
non-church institutions; they have been secularised. And outside
Germany there have been vigorous discussions about how far theology, once
the major discipline of the university, is an appropriate subject to
be taught at the university at all. Should now teaching and research
in connection with religion be designated ‘religious studies’
and practised in the way that might be expected from that term? It
is significant that the American university presses do not publish
books on theology but only on religious studies.
Other
examples of secularisation could be added. Further activities
formerly
undertaken by the church have now often been transformed to secular
control. One of the actions taken by Constantine the Great in the
fourth century, when Christianity became the religion of the Roman
empire, was to abolish all pagan hospitals so that the Christian
church became deeply involved in treating sickness. From the Hôtel-Dieu
in Lyons and Monte Cassino in the sixth century down to the Middle
Ages the church established hospitals throughout
Europe
, many of them run by religious orders. Here, however, secular
authorities became involved at a much earlier date than in the case
of the universities: towns and cities had some form of secular
health care by the end of the fifteenth century[5].
Nevertheless,
the church continued to play a key role, and the decline in the
number of members of religious orders is causing a crisis in the
health service in
Germany
, where their work is an important part of the fabric of care. A
similar pattern could be traced in education.
2.
The process of secularisation
So
simply by following developments in various areas we can see a
pattern which can rightly be called secularisation. The
Oxford
English Dictionary gives the first instance of the term as dating
from 1706 and defines it as ‘the conversion of an ecclesiastical
or religious institution or its property to secular possession and
use; the conversion of an ecclesiastical state or sovereignty to a
lay one’; a second meaning, dating from 1863, is ‘the giving of
a secular or non-sacred character or direction to [art, studies,
etc.]; the placing [of morals] on a secular basis; the restricting
[of education] to secular subjects’. These dates are later than
the very precise date on which many historians argue that the actual
process of secularisation began:
8 April 1646
, when the French delegate at the Westphalian peace talks proposed
that ‘for the sake of peace’ the Elector of
Brandenburg
, who had to cede some of his territory to victorious
Sweden
, should be compensated by the secularisation of a number of areas
which had fallen under church jurisdiction[6].
So
far the process of secularisation and the meaning of the term is
clear.
However, problems arise when the concept is used as a blanket termto
describe what has been happening in Western society over the past
twohundred years or more, particularly in matters of behaviour,
moral standards and so on. In the Western world which formerly had a
marked Christian stamp people spend less of their time, energy and
resources in religious concerns and therefore in many areas there
has been a decline in religious organisations like local churches,
Sunday schools, and uniformed associations. Forms of behaviour are
no longer controlled by religious precepts but by demands which
accord with purely technical criteria (wear a condom to prevent
Aids) or social norms (no smoking in many public places). The
religious consciousness is put increasingly under pressure by
empirical, rational, instrumental and matter-of-fact attitudes. How
we know is increasingly detached from how we feel. Ceremonies which
mark rites of passages, customs like saying a prayer before meals
and so on, have all declined. All this and more can be brought under
the term secularisation, making its application so wide that it
sometimes becomes almost unusable as a concept. Nevertheless, it is
hard to see how the term can be dispensed with, because it does
describe a historical development very well.
problems
arise when the concept is used as a blanket term to describe
what has been happening in Western society over the past two
hundred years or more, particularly in matters of behaviour,
moral standards and so on. |
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Of
course secularisation inevitably applies to moral values and ways of
looking at the world, as well as to the transfer of institutions
like universities, hospitals and schools from one sphere to another.
In traditional
Western society religion, and particularly the Christian religion,
served to sustain community and even provide a sense of cohesion
within the community. It gave both the individual and the group a
sense of identity. By its teachings of rewards and punishments in
another life and by basing morality on divine commands it instituted
a system
of social control which induced good behaviour in individuals and
established a regulated pattern of social order. Christianity
supplied an overall intellectual picture, claiming to explain and
justify not only the supernatural and moral but also the nature and
purpose of the universe.
The
church regularly backed up political authority: up to the English
Civil War in the seventeenth century the ‘divine right of kings’
was a very real concept and the execution of Charles I was an
earth-shaking event. The church also backed up political and social
policy and ideas of social order.
Perhaps
the most popular Christian children’s hymn, written in the
nineteenth
century by the famous Mrs Alexander, ‘All Things Bright and
Beautiful’,
contains the notorious verse, now usually omitted:
The
rich man in his castle, The poor man at his gate. God made them, high and lowly, and ordered their estate.
The
rich and powerful were urged to be merciful and charitable - but not
change their ways; the poor were urged to be patient and content;
this provided a theological rationale for social inequalities of
wealth, power and status.
At
this point it is important to emphasise that secularisation is
originally a neutral term. It does not postulate the disappearance
of religion
nor conflict with the fact that in secularised societies in which
religion
has ceased to be of much importance to the operation of the social
system, religion manifestly continues to be practised and to
influence many people. There is a fundamental difference between
secularisation, the process described above, and secularism. On
closer inspection, though, secularism does not prove to be quite the
force that it is sometimes presented as being.
[I]t
is important to emphasise that secularisation is originally
a neutral term. |
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3.
Secularism and secularisation
Secularism
is a term which derives from the middle of the nineteenth century:
The Oxford Dictionary gives the date of the first occurrence as 1846
and the meaning as ‘the doctrine that morality should be based
solely on regard to the well-being of mankind in the present life,
to the exclusion of all considerations drawn from belief in God or
in a future state’. Secularism manifested itself in the form of
secular societies, of which there were more than one hundred in
nineteenth-century Britain.
Its
roots lay in the socialist movement, among people who had been
alienated
from or lost to the churches as a result of the industrial
revolution, but the secularists were always small groups, elites,
craftsmen and shopkeepers rather than labourers and factory workers.
And as Owen Chadwick has pointed out, if these societies ‘were
secular, they were not very secular, in the original sectarian
sense. Though chapels and churches regarded them as enemies, their
structure, outlook, organisation and philosophy resembled nothing so
much as a loose structure of independent chapels. They ministered to
much the same personal needs and to much the same social groups.’[7] Many of them were almost completely political and
not particularly irreligious. They took up specific causes, most
particularly (and perhaps surprising to us today) freedom of
religion. An open air meeting of 2,000 secularists at Hollingworth Lake
near Manchester in June 1858 demonstrated in favour of a bill then before Parliament
for the equality of the Jews, and in favour of Sunday recreation,
and boats on the lake.
But
the story of secularism in this sense is a story of decline. The
first secularists
were campaigning for particular causes, and on the whole they proved
successful. Boats did come to lakes, Sunday did become a day of
recreation and by 1890 not only Jews but also atheists became
eligible to become members of Parliament. And these successes meant
a decline in the fortunes of the secular societies. They continued,
and indeed the National Secular Society still exists today, with a
flourishing website[8], but it still bears a more striking
resemblance to the churches than to society around it. Its
‘creed’ is an anti-religious creed, and it fights against
religion in any shape or form, but alongside that it adopts many
ethical positions with which those holding religious beliefs,
particularly those with a more liberal attitude to religious belief,
would find not only acceptable but would whole-heartedly endorse.
In
this context it is important to emphasise that the advance of
secularisation is not being driven by secularists. It is a complex
historical movement which largely seems to have taken on a momentum
of its own.
And
as is clear from the historical outline of one of its aspects at the
beginning
of this article it took place over a long period in the form of a
whole
variety of events, actions and pieces of legislation happening at different
times throughout the Western world. But although the term ‘seculasization’
is almost three hundred years old, it was only comparatively
recently that it became prominent as a concept; before the 1960s it
would be very difficult to find widespread use of it to describe a
major feature of the modern world (just as it would be hard to find
instances of the term ‘globalisation’ before the late 1990s,
though that process, too has been under way for considerably
longer).
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[A]lthough
the term ‘seculasization’ is almost three hundred years
old, it was only comparatively recently that it became
prominent as a concept… |
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The
term ‘secularisation’ came to the fore following the publication
of one of the most influential theological books of the twentieth
century (strictly speaking it is not even a book but a collection of
fragments). In 1948 Dietrich Bonhoeffer’s Letters and Papers from
Prison were published in
Germany
, and in 1953 they appeared in an English translation (the text was
twice expanded, as over the course of time more material became
available, but the basic core remained the same). Imprisoned for his
involvement in a plot against Hitler and executed right at the end
of the war, Bonhoeffer, a brilliant young theologian, had spent his
time reflecting on the modern world. The jottings that he made and
the letters in which he outlined his thinking to a friend, Eberhard
Bethge, were smuggled out of prison and made into a book by Bethge
after the war.
Bonhoeffer
among other things spoke of a ‘world come of age’ and of
‘religionless
Christianity’. He wrote:
God
is being increasingly pushed out of a world that has come of age,
out of the spheres of our knowledge and life, and since Kant
he
has been relegated to a realm beyond the world of experience.
Theology
has on the one hand resisted this development with
apologetics,
and has taken up arms - in vain - against Darwinism, etc.
On the other hand it has accommodated itself to the development
by restricting God to the so-called ultimate question; that
means that he becomes the answer to life’s problems and the
solution
of its needs and conflicts. So if anyone has no such difficulties
or if he refuses to go into these things, then either he
cannot
be open to God; or else he must be shown that he is in fact
deeply
involved in such problems, needs and conflicts without admitting
it or knowing it. If he cannot be brought to see and
admit
that his happiness is really an evil, his health sickness and his vigour
despair, the theologian is at his wits’ end[9].
In
the 1960s these remarks were quoted by John Robinson, Bishop
of
Woolwich, whose book Honest to God seemed to catch the spirit of the
age[10], and gave rise to a flood of books on the current religious
and theological situation in which secularisation came to the fore.
Revisited almost forty years later the discussion seems highly
emotive and extremely confused. Something of this was seen even at
the time, and one sociologist caricatured it as follows: ‘God is
dead. Therefore secularisation must be occurring. Therefore
secularisation is a coherent notion… The whole concept appears as
a tool of counter-religious ideologies.. and the word should be
erased from the sociological dictionary.’[11] In other words,
secularisation exists only in the minds of those who wish it to
occur. This was countered by a whole series of historical analyses,
also conflicting, some heightening the impact of secularisation by
depicting a world which was claimed to be far more religious than it
could have been; others putting the beginnings of secularisation so
far back that there never seemed to have been a time when the world
was not ‘secular’[12].
But
the focus of attention came to lie on books which proclaimed
the
positive values of secularisation. Three titles above all stand out:
Harvey
Cox, The Secular City[13]; Paul van Buren, The Secular Meaning of
the Gospel;[14] and Ronald Gregor Smith, Secular
Christianity. Common to these different books, and the many others which followed
in their wake, was a tendency to write off the supernatural
dimension of Christianity and religion generally, to glorify
excessively the achievements of technology, and to have an
over-optimistic view of human nature. The expectation was that the
process of the secularisation of religion would continue further and
that ultimately the world would become completely secular.
This
was not a militant secularism; it was above all an attempt to make
the best of a development which many Christians felt was
unstoppable.
Harvey
Cox began his book with these words:
Secularization
makes a change in the way men grasp and understand their life
together, and it occurred only when the cosmopolitan confrontations
of city living exposed the relativity of the myths men once thought
were unquestionable. The way men live their common life affects
mightily the way they understand the meaning of that life, and vice
versa. Villages and cities are laid out to reflect the pattern of
the heavenly city, the abode of the gods. But once laid out, the
pattern of the polis influences the way that succeeding generations
experience life and visualize the gods.
Societies
and the symbols they live by influence each other. In ourday the
secular metropolis stands as both the pattern of our life together
and the symbol of our view of the world. If the Greeks perceived the
cosmos as an immensely expanded polis, and medieval man saw it as
the feudal manor enlarged to infinity, we experience the universe as
the city of man. It is a field of human exploration and endeavour
from which the gods have fled. The world has become man’s task and
man’s responsibility.
Contemporary
man has become the cosmopolitan. The world has become his city and
his city has reached out to include the world.
The
name for the process by which this has come about is secularization.[15]
And
he went on to praise the ‘freedom’ offered by the secular city
as opposed to the ties of tribal society and the small local
community. Van Buren and Gregor Smith both embarked, in different
ways, on what they argued was the necessary process of
‘translating’ Christianity into the terms of this world
without abandoning it altogether, a ‘translation’ which
eliminated ‘God’, the divine and the other-worldly from
religious belief.
This
they did with great confidence. As van Buren concluded: ‘The path
which we have described for the secular Christian in the secular
world is clear and wide enough to carry the whole gospel along it.
Although we have admitted that our interpretation represents a
reduction of Christian
faith
to its historical and ethical dimensions, we would also claim that
we have left nothing essential behind.’[16]
But what stands out on re-reading this literature is just how
simplistic most of it is, and how many issues which have since
become pivotal to contemporary
discussion fail to make any appearance whatsoever. One looks in vain
in the radical books of the 1960s for discussions say of
Auschwitz
and genocide and the dark side of the twentieth century,
forliberation theology, for black theology, for discussion of the
role andstatus of women, for interfaith issues, for any awareness of
the degree to which theologians and others are governed by their
context, all indispensable elements of present-day discussion. Most
significant of all, as often happens, history did not follow its
predicted course. Modern men and women did not prove to be as
‘secular’ as was assumed. In many aspects and in many faiths
religious belief and practice has made a comeback; in Christianity,
although the institutional churches are declining and losing members
ever more rapidly, interest in Christian faith and especially Jesus,
particularly in non-church groups and new movements, is still
extremely high. Recent events where religion and politics are so
closely bound up together have so brought out the ongoing force of
religion that it has even been seen as the most likely source of
future conflict. Moreover, the awareness of what is happening in the
southern hemisphere, in Africa and
Asia
, particularly in Christianity and Islam, which has come with an
increased
sense of globalisation, has made the sensitive realise just how
narrow and blinkered the Western picture often is.
The
awareness of what is happening in the southern hemisphere,
in Africa and Asia, particularly in Christianity and Islam,
which has come with an increased sense of globalisation, has
made the sensitive realise just how narrow and blinkered the
Western picture often is. |
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4.
Secular values
The
world is not as secular as it was expected to be at one time, but it
is still dominated by secular values, and the development of
secularisation which I outlined at the beginning of this article
shows that secularisation cannot be dismissed, either as a reality
or a concept. But it needs to be assessed; value judgments need to
be passed on it. That it is what I shall try to do in the last part
of this article. As I have already remarked, what I write is
inevitably from a Christian perspective and above all is a
perspective on Christian history.
Christianity
has always interacted with the society in which Christians have
lived, and therefore it has also interacted with secularisation.
There are substantial differences between the ethic of Jesus, an
itinerant charismatic who attracted a group of followers who went
with him around rural
Galilee
, and the ethic of Paul of Tarsus, who founded communities in urban
settings and had to lay down regulations for their behaviour.
Christianity changed when it came into contact with the Greek world
and changed again when it became the religion of the
Roman empire
. That explains why by the beginning of the second millennium, the
Catholic Church and the Orthodox Church seem in many respects to be
so different from the ideals of their founder. The Catholic Church
split, and we now have in the West the Roman Catholic Church,
stamped, for example, by Roman law. Then later, with the
Renaissance, the Enlightenment and the rise of modern science, many
assumptions which Christianity had from the start or picked up along
the way came to be challenged, and often rightly so, from outside
Christianity, latterly in fact from the ‘secular world’.
Thus
for example for a long time Christians had no objection to slavery
and Christians owned slaves: slavery had been taken for granted in
the
world in which it came into being and Paul expresses no objection to
it.
Much of the impetus to give women a greater role in the church and
society
came from outside the church, again contrary to some of Paul’s
instructions;
the inspiration for codes of human rights and human responsibilities
came from the American and French Revolutions. And so one
could go on. Over the last two hundred years and more the very heart
of
Christian doctrine has been affected by forms of criticism arising
out of
the
development of modern scientific investigation. We realise that
Jesus
as
he was was different from Jesus as he is presented in the Gospels,
which are
theological portraits; that Christian doctrine was developed against
a
background
of political as well as theological issues (the main aim of the
emperor
Constantine at the Council of Chalcedon in 451 CE was to secure
ideological unity for his empire) and did not just drop down from heaven.
So
it is impossible to dismiss the role of secularisation and the
growth
of
secular values in dialogue with Christianity. They are manifestly there
and I have yet to mention the tremendous impact of modern science.
Lightning
conductors, weather forecasts, modern medicine and surgery
seem
better ways of coping with our climate and our health than prayer.
And
if one is flying in an aircraft at around 600 miles an hour five or
six miles
above the
Atlantic
one has put a tremendous amount of trust in the reliability
and efficacy of modern science. There are those who take a completely
negative view of the Enlightenment and want theology to
begin
again well before it, before what are regarded as disastrous wrong
turns.
But would such people really want to do without electricity,
modern
sanitation and above all have mediaeval dentistry? (In the
USA
recently
I visited
Mount Vernon
, George Washington’s home for most of
his
life; for all his great privileges he had wooden teeth.)
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So
it is impossible to dismiss the role of secularisation and
the growth of secular values in dialogue with Christianity. |
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This
total opposition to the modern secular world and its values
isfortunately, I think, relatively rare. Most people are willing
toacknowledge the benefits that the secular world has brought.
However, agreat many people are quite happy to live in two
compartments – theeveryday world and their religion – without
reflecting too far on thepoints where two sets of values clash. The
religious revivals over the pastthirty years which I have mentioned
are largely irrational, privatised or innocent of the problems posed
to theological thinking by the modern
secular
world. That is true even of radical movements like liberation
theology. The liberation theologians of
Latin America
took seriously Karl Marx’s critique of modern capitalism, but they
totally ignored his devastating critique of religion, which could
equally well be applied to them.[17]
So
the conclusion to which I am led is that secular values must be
explored
and taken extremely seriously. It is important for those of all
faiths
to enter into dialogue with them. When it consisted only of Jews
and
Christians, the dialogue group to which this article was originally
given
as a paper produced a volume of papers reflecting its thinking.
These
ended
with a perceptive discussion of the ‘third presence’ by
Norman
Solomon
(in a discussion between Jews, Christians and Muslims this would
have to become a ‘fourth presence’). He commented:
There
were two sets of us, a set of Jews and a set of Christians, so
the
dialogue was bilateral. Or was it?… Our shared culture made the
dialogue possible. But it did not – could not – provide a
neutral medium. Rather, it was the ‘third presence’ in the
dialogue,
a presence whose profound influence was so all–pervasive
that it was in danger of not being noticed.
Three
cultures - even three civilizations – met. A Christian
civilization,
a Jewish civilization, and the third civilization, in which
all of us Jews and Christians live and find our identity, and which
was mediated through the English language. This third was
the
civilization of modernity, or of enlightenment. In the form of
rationality
this movement of the human spirit poses a challenge to
traditional
doctrinal formulation, whether Christian or Jewish.
One
type of ‘modern’ rationality is that which insists on
submitting
truth claims made by the religious, including those about
the composition of texts, to the sort of tests that have been
found effective in the empirical sciences and historical criticism.
Another
is the ‘rationality’ on which ethical judgments are
founded,
the modern convictions about right and wrong which do
not accord with traditional ethical teaching; liberal democracy,
human
rights and abolition of slavery, and equal rights for women
are
characteristic modern ethical imperatives, all of which have been
or are opposed in traditional religious ethics. Then there are scientific
discoveries about the physical world - for instance, its
size
in both space and time, the relativity of both, the nature of matter,
the dominance of human action by brain physiology rather
than
by conscious acts of a disembodied will or spirit, the
chemistry
of reproduction and genetic variation – all findings which
flatly contradict the assumptions made by the writers of the formative
texts of our faiths.
Three
cultures, three parties to the dialogue… Would it be true to
say that each man and woman participating was a member of two
cultures, modernity plus either Judaism or Christianity? I
think
not. When I identify myself as a Jew this does not mean that
I
inherit exclusively one tradition. My special relationship with Judaism
is to do with which set of people I feel I belong with in family
and historical and religious perspectives and to a limited extent
with truth-claims; it is not a delineation of the resources
available
to me for spiritual intellectual or even social growth.
Truth
comes from many sources; my total heritage is everything
now
accessible to me, including creations of other religious traditions[18].
The
modern world shapes us all. Men and women of all faiths will
have
much to criticise in the secular values of the world today,
particularly those
which affect key areas of life and death, society and the
individual.
But
outright opposition and rejection are wrong. The important thing is
to
explore, engage in dialogue and improve the values of society.
Above
all
to engage in dialogue, because it is only in dialogue among
ourselves
and
with the world in which we live that we have a possibility of a
faith
and
life which is not compartmentalised and which brings together God
and
reality.
Dr.
John Bowden taught theology at
Nottingham
University
from 1964 to 1966 and form 1966 to 2000 was Managing Director of SCM
Press,
London
, a leading ecommercial and interfaith publisher.
*
This paper is published with the permission of Encounter; The
Journal of Inter-Cultural Perspectives.
[19]
Norman Solomon, ‘The Third Presence: Reflections on the
Dialogue’ in Tony
Bayfield
and Marcus Braybrooke (eds), Dialogue with a Difference. The
Manor House
Group
Experience,
London
: SCM Press 1992, 147-62: 147f. I should point out that it
was
recognised at an early stage that to publish papers would affect
the nature of the
group
as described earlier in this article, and that a plan was made
to publish papers
only
when it was decided that the group should come to an end in its
original form
and
change to being a Jewish-Christian-Muslim dialogue group.
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