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It is interesting to note here that the terms of Islamic discourse keep on changing on the basis of what is currently fashionable and of value in the West. During the 1950's and 1960's, the major debate among the Western scholars of Islamic societies and Islam was whether Islam was compatible with development and modernization, measured primarily in economic terms. A subtext of this discourse revolved around the problem of Islam's compatibility with socialism, a popular mode of rapid economic development for many Muslim intellectuals and leaders in the late 1960's. Looking at the entire corpus of literature produced in the 1960's - especially the Princeton series on political development with contributions by Almond, Riggs, La Palombara, Huntington, Coleman, Weiner and Pye - it was obvious that the primary thrust was not on democratic values but on skills and capabilities in complex organizations of modern societies. Samuel Huntington was especially concerned about the imperative need of "institution building" in developing societies. Hence, we see that development experts from the United States were busy in building state institutions, strengthening the military and bureaucratic structures, and increasing the extractive and coercive apparatus of the state. It was believed that participatory democracy could be postponed in this formative phase of economic development and institution building. For a representative sample of this literature, see: G.A. Almond and J.S. Coleman, The Politics of the Developing Arabs (Princeton, 1960); D.E. Apter, The Politics of Modernization (Chicago, 1965); C.E. Black, The Dynamics of Modernization (New York, 1966); R. Braibanti (ed.), Asian Bureaucratic Systems Emergent From the British Imperial Tradition (Durham, N.C., 1966); A. Diamant, Bureaucracy in Development Movement Regimes (Bloomington, 1964); S. Huntington, "Political Development and Political Decay," World Politics XVII (1965); J. LaPalombara (ed.), Bureaucracy and Poliical Development (Princeton, 1963); L.W. Pye, Communications and Political Development (Princeton, 1963); and F.W. Riggs, "The Theory of Developing Politics," World Politics XVI, I (1963).

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For this view, see, for example: Elie Kedouri, Democracy and Arab Political Culture (Washington, DC, 1992); A.E. Mayer, Islam and Human Rights (Boulder, 1991); Judith Miller, "The Islamic Wave," The New York Times Magazine, May 31, 1992; Amos Perlmutter, "Wishful Thinking About Islamic Fundamentalism," Washington Post, January 19, 1992; Robin Wright, "Islam, Democracy and the West," Foreign Affairs, 71 (2), 1992; P.J. Vatikiotis, Islam and the State (London, 1987); Bernard Lewis, The Political Language of Islam (Chicago, 1988); Henry Munson, Jr., Islam and Revolution in the Middle East (New Haven, 1988); Emmanuel Sivan, Radical Islam: Medieval Theology and Modern Politics (New Haven, 1985); Emmanuel Sivan and Menachem Friedman (eds.), Religious Radicalism and Politics in the Middle East (Albany, 1990); Michael C. Dunn, "Revivalist Islam and Democracy: Thinking About the Algerian Quandary," Middle East Policy, 1:2, 1992; Lahouari Addi, "Islamicist Utopia and Democracy," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, No. 524, 1992; and William I. Zartman, "Democracy and Islam: The Cultural Dialectic," Annals, No. 524, 1992.

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S3 For summary description and analysis of the ideas of these Islamic thinkers, see: Hamid Enayat, Modern Islamic Political Thought (Austin, 1982); John L. Esposito, Voices of Resurgent Islam (New York, 1983); Seyyed Vali and Reza Nasr, Maududi and the Making of Islamic Revolution (New York, 1996); Mumtaz Ahmad, "Islamic Fundamentalism in South Asia," in Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby (eds.), Fundamentalisms Observed (Chicago, 1991); Richard Mitchell, The Society of Muslim Brotherhood (New York, 1969); Walid Abdelnasser, Islamic Movement in Egypt (London, 1993); Sami Zubaida, Islam, The People and the State: Political Ideas and Movements in the Middle East (London, 1993); Arthur Lowrie (ed.), Islam, Democracy, the State and the West: A Round Table with Dr. Hasan Turabi (Tampa, Florida, 1993); Hasan Turabi, "Islam as a Pan-National Movement and Nation-States: An Islamic Doctrine on Human Association," Islamica, 1:2, 1993; "Challenging Times: An Interview with Dr. Hasan Turabi," Impact International, 23:3-4, 1993; Linda G. Jones, "Portrait of Rashid al-Ghannoushi," Middle East Report, July-August, 1988; and The Movement of Islamic Tendency (Washington, D.C., 1987).

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See: S. Abul Ala Maududi, Islamic Law and Constitution (Lahore, 1960).

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For a detailed discussion on this, see: Mumtaz Ahmad, "Islamic Political Theory: Current Scholarship and Future Prospects," in M. Ahmad (ed.) State, Politics and Islam (Indianapolis, 1986).

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S. Abul Ala Maududi, Caliphate and Monarchy [Urdu], (Lahore, 1963); Ayatollah Khomeini, Islamic Government (Washington, DC, 1980); Hamid Alger, trans. Islam and Revolution: Writings and Declarations of Imam Khomeini (Berkeley, 1981).

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Mumtaz Ahmad, "Islamic Fundamentalism and the Gulf War," in James Piscatori (ed.) Islamic Fundamentalisms and the Gulf Crisis (Chicago, 1991).

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For Shi'ite political theory, see: Jassim M. Hussain, The Occultation of the Twelfth Imam (London, 1982); William C. Chittick (ed.), A Shi'ite Anthology (Albany, 1981); and Said Amir Arjomand (ed.), Authority and Political Culture in Shi?ism (Albany, 1988).

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Fazlur Rahman, "The Principle of Shura and the Role of the Umma in Islam," in Mumtaz Ahmad (ed.), State, Politics and Islam (Indianapolis, 1986).

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Abdulhamid Abu-Sulayman, "Islamization of Knowledge with Special Reference to Political Science," American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, 2:2, 1985.

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See, for example: S. Abul Ala Maududi, Islamic Law and Constitution, op. cit. See also: Mumtaz, Ahmad, "Parliament, Parties, Polls and Islam," American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences.

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The following statement of Rashid Ghannoushi of the Islamic Tendency Movement (al-Nahda) of Tunisia is pertinent: The People are the only power which can accept and support any political party. We do not oppose at all the existence of any political movement whose ideology may be radically against us, including the Communist party. From the Islamic point of view, we have no right to interpose between the people and those whom the people choose and elect. This quotation is cited in Fathi Osman, The Muslim World: Issues and Challenges (Los Angeles, 1989).

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For Malaysia and Jordan, see: Alias Mohamed, PAS Platform: Development and Change (Petaling Jaya, Malaysia, 1994); Chandra Musaffar, Islamic Resurgence in Malaysia (Petaling Jaya, Malaysia, 1987); B. Gale (ed.), Readings in Malaysian Politics (Kuala Lumpur, 1986); Hussin Mutalib, Islam in Malaysia: From Revivalism to Islamic State (Singapore, 1993); Abla Amawi, "Democracy Dilemma in Jordan," MERIP Report, 22:1, 1992; and Kazumi Shimada, State, Power and Legitimacy: A Case Study of Jordan (Niigata-Ken, Japan, 1993).

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Cited in Mumtaz Ahmad, "Islamic Fundamentalism in South Asia," op. cit.

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Ergun Ozbudun, "Islam and Politics in Modern Turkey: The Case of the National Salvation Party," in Barbara Stowasser (ed.), The Islamic Impulse (London, 1987).

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Ibid. See also: Murat Yetkin, "Islamic Movement in Turkey," Turkish Probe, 2:14, 1993.

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Ozbudun, op. cit., p. 154.

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For a devastating critique of Arab nationalist intellectuals and their collaboration with republican dictators, see: Kanan Makiya, Cruelty and Silence: War, Tyranny, Uprising and the Arab World (London, 1993).

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Marshall G.S. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization, vol. 3 (Chicago, 1974), pp. 182-186.

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Leonard, Binder, Islamic Liberalism (Chicago, 1988).