The U.S. office of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan is located in a nondescript building beyond the last stop on the 7 train in Flushing, Queens. Up three flights, one finds it difficult to believe the barren stairway leads to the U.S. command post for the Taliban. The door opens to bearded men in traditional Afghan clothing and a humble but welcoming room with carpets on the floor and overstuffed couches. There is a large space for prayer.

The office is abuzz with activity. Maulana Abdul Hakeem Mujahid is the U.S. representative for the unrecognized leadership of the Taliban, offers tea and sweets while discoursing about Islam. "Islam implemented by Taliban Islamic movement is not a revolutionary system for Afghanistan. Islamic governance has existed for more than 1,000 years in Afghanistan. Islam is the first religion to bring democratic consumption of the government by establishing shura [consultation] to supervise the government. We believe in a democracy that is based on the Qur’an and the Sunnah." Calmly, Mujahid insists, "Islam is democracy."

Mujahid is well versed in Islam and political science. He has a Masters degree in Islamic studies from Peshawar University and a Bachelors in political science from the Islamic University for Science & Technology in Peshawar. His political activism began in 1979, when he joined Harakati-Inqilabi-Islami-Afghanistan to fight the Soviets.

He has served as a diplomat at the Afghan Consulate in Peshawar. In 1993, he participated in an Afghan delegation to Geneva that worked with Pakistan and the United Nations to discuss repatriation of Afghan refugees. The Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan appointed him “permanent representative” to the United Nations in 1996, although the United Nations does not recognize the Taliban. The previous government of Burhanuddin Rabbani still occupies the U.N. seat.

A soft-spoken articulate man, his thoughts are well organized and his speech peppered with contemporary political lingo. Mujahid’s presence suggests the Taliban is not a monolithic force of closed-minded, illiterate soldiers – the image often presented in western media. The Taliban includes a diverse group of individuals, including intellectuals and moderates.

On Women, Education

Perhaps the biggest criticism of the international community is the Taleban's "ban" on educating women. Mujahid discredits this claim. “The Bill of Rights in the United States indicates that education is a right. Because of our Islamic principles, we feel it is an obligation.” Eager to differentiate between the two approaches, he continues, “An individual can give up a right but one cannot give up an obligation."

Mujahid explains that women can participate in every aspect of Islamic society with the exception of holding the office of president, in accordance with a certain Hadith of the Prophet Mohammed (pbuh). He suggests that one of the greatest thinkers in Islam was the Prophet's (pbuh) wife Aisha (raa), as evidence that women are important members of society.

But Mujahid cautions that Afghanistan is not yet able to create all necessary institutions to include women. Two decades of war have devastated every aspect of society. He stresses that Afghanistan needs time to rebuild and stabilize before appropriate opportunities are in place to fully utilize human resources.       

Any government assuming power in Afghanistan would have a lack of institutional development and resources for quality schools. The Taliban are also challenged with rebuilding from a previous, secular educational system that was inappropriately suited for Afghan culture.

The Taliban insist that the educational system be based on Islamic principles and curriculum but not strictly limited to Islamic texts. "The common people of Afghanistan disliked the secular style of education," Mujahid said. "They hated the secular institutions and it was a shame for parents to send their children to them."

Mujahid is confused by Western fascination with women in Afghanistan and points to double standards and inconsistencies with Western policy. "During jihad against the Soviets, the United States and other countries supported the Afghan jihad and there were more than 1,500 schools in refugee camps in Pakistan supported by the UNHCR. However, there were no schools for adult women. Yet, no Western diplomats nor journalists criticized the mujahideen on this issue."

He points out that in the seven political parties during the jihad and one interim government after Soviet withdrawal, there were no women working in party or government headquarters – a criticism that never made it into mainstream western media.

In this context, the Taliban's record regarding women is far better than the U.S.-supported mujahideen groups during jihad. Mujahid states: "Women are working in Afghanistan. They are teachers, police, accountants and doctors. The media is not reporting about these things. We are recovering from war. We need time to rebuild our country."

Well-publicized campaigns by the Feminist Majority and the Physicians for Human Rights have captured the attention of Hollywood and the White House. Such campaigns are immediately discredited by the Taliban because of alleged funding of "communist" money, meaning some people involved in these campaigns are believed to be backed by the opposition, Ahmed Shah Masoud. Masoud and a loose coalition of forces currently control the northeastern area of Afghanistan, roughly 10% of the country.

Many Afghans who support neither the Taliban nor Masoud claim a visceral discomfort with reports made by such organizations. Media stories proclaiming widespread and systematic abuse of women often contradict information received from friends and family back in Afghanistan.

Mujahid admits there are traditional clerics who impose cultural standards over Islam in ways that are unproductive and harmful. "This is a great hurdle to development."

While the west criticizes treatment of women under the Taliban, it also bears responsibility for retarding institutional development in Afghanistan. According to Leila Helms, a vocal sympathizer of the Taliban, the Taliban have made serious gestures to solicit international funding for 22 schools – 11 for boys and 11 for girls. Sweden and Norway agreed to provide some funding for the schools. The United Nations has consistently delayed cooperation on the basis that the Taliban were not fully “cooperating” with the United Nations on a variety of issues.

Afghan women have many different experiences under the Taliban although western media has focused only on the negative aspects of the Taliban's leadership. Helms recently went to Afghanistan with an NBC film crew where she taped hours of footage exploring the lives of professional and employed women inside of Afghanistan.

Upon her return to the United States, no media organization agreed to air any of her footage. Helms admits that injustices have occurred in Afghanistan but laments the fact the U.S. media refuses to submit the other half of the story. "The working women in Afghanistan really resent these campaigns for Afghan women so popular in the west," she says. "And the platform for these campaigns is not based on facts."

The Taliban's "Brand" Of Islam

While the Taliban hopes to see other Islamic governments in central Asia, they also insist that their perspective is uniquely Afghan and cannot be duplicated in neighboring countries. "This is very important for the United States to realize," explains Dawer A. Nadi, President of the Afghanistan Peace Association, a non-partisan umbrella organization that includes supporters of all Afghan political groups.

"The fear that western powers have of the Taliban movement spreading this type of Islam in the region is not completely justified. This Islam is based on traditions of Afghan culture and is not duplicable elsewhere," said Nadi.

While APA is careful not to endorse one party over another, Nadi suggests any leadership in Afghanistan must understand that "Afghans are not interested in a 'revolutionary' Islam from Maududi or Sayed Qutb. We need an Islamic state based on democratic Islamic principles which reflect Afghan society."

Mujahid states the fear of a strong Islamic state in Central Asia motivates U.S. policy. With his finger in mid-air, Mujahid declared, "I have asked Western diplomats and other officials, ‘If a secular group came to Afghanistan and established peace in 90% of the country as we have, would you support them?’ They nodded their heads [in agreement]."

Indignantly, Mujahid continues, "It is our religion they are against. They are not in favor of a strong Islamic state in Central Asia.”  He adds emphatically, “We have no intentions of exporting our values to our neighboring countries."

The Taliban desire regional stability, Mujahid explains. "There is no evidence, no official policy where the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan has ever used aggressive language against any of its neighbors. We desire regional cooperation and coexistence."

Osama Bin Laden

True to the democratic principles of Islam, Mujahid stresses the U.S. Constitution and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights state that an individual cannot be proven guilty unless subject to due process in a court of law. "Bin Laden has not been tried, but the United States has convicted him and offering $5 million as reward for his capture. And they have never offered us evidence that he is involved with international terrorist networks."

Mujahid discredited U.S. reports that Bin Laden is communicating with and financing a "terrorist" network since he doesn't appear to have any such tools at his disposal. When the Taliban moved Bin Laden to their headquarters in Kandahar in 1997, Mujahid explains that all of Bin Laden's communications devices (fax machines, phones, etc) were confiscated. "Bin Laden himself indicated that he felt as though he was put under house arrest."

"The Taliban did not invite Osama Bin Laden into Afghanistan. He fought during jihad but he never supported any of the groups that later became the Taliban," explained Mujahid. Bitter about U.S. punishment for a problem they inherited from the previous regime of Burhanuddin Rabbani, Mujahid points out, "Afghan public opinion is against the extradition of Osama Bin Laden. We have to consider public opinion. Why is it that the United States makes policies based on public opinion but we cannot?"

He spoke about a recent fatwa issued against Bin Laden, calling for his death. "Masood gathered these clerics in the North to make this fatwa. Afghans in Masood-controlled territory rose up and murdered three clerics because of this fatwa. This is how strong public opinion is."

As reported in U.S. media, the Taliban have asked the United States to provide evidence against Bin Laden. With appropriate evidence, they will try him in Islamic courts under scholarly supervision from Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan and one other country. The United States has refused such offers and recently indicated that the Taliban will be held responsible for any terrorist attacks allegedly linked to Bin Laden. In efforts to ease tension with the United States on this issue, Mujahid is speaking with the Organization of Islamic Countries and exploring the possibility of establishing official groups to monitor Bin Ladin.

The Future

Michael Fielden, a Ph.D. candidate at the London School of Economics currently researching the role of Afghan non-governmental organizations and political development, indicates the Taliban is "not a bunch of guys with machine guns who ride around in the back of Toyota trucks all day long looking for women to beat. They are doing unglamorous jobs, like repairing streets signs and roads. They are trying to rebuild a country."

Mujahid explains that the Taliban have three priorities: national unity, national security and building a strong centralized government.

The Taliban have made some developments in institutionalizing local shuras, or consultative bodies, at the local level that must include at least 10% of the local population. Mujahid indicated that the 1964 constitution, from the time of Mohammed Zahir Shah, who ruled Afghanistan from 1933-1973, is being studied as a model (the clause regarding Afghanistan as a monarchy has been removed).

There is no dispute that injustices have occurred, and are still occurring, in Afghanistan. What is missing in western audiences is an appropriate contextual analysis that takes into consideration dynamics of a society that has been in a constant state of war and disrepair for two decades.

The Taliban have managed to secure 90% of the country, to de-arm various warlords, and started to take basic first steps towards improving the political infrastructure of the country. International cooperation and recognition of the Taliban would provide necessary aid for development and simultaneously encourage moderates to assume more influence, Taliban officials argue.

At a recent symposium on Afghanistan, one speaker pragmatically acknowledged the positive aspect of Taliban control – stability in 90% of the country. “Regardless of the leadership,” she said, “now is the time for democratic investment in Afghanistan. In the 90% where there is stability, we have to go there and start building peace.”

Deonna Kelli is a graduate from East Carolina University, Greenville NC. She is also a coordinator of Association of Muslim Social Scientists. Her area of interests include the Afghan Region, Islam and Gender Studies. For Feedback, please e-mail dkelli@earthlink.net