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Last Update: Thu. july. 08, 2004


French Press Review:
France’s “Loi sur la Laicité”
(Law on Secularism)
(January 8-14, 2004)

By Norman Madarasz
International relations/economy

19/01/2004

The effects of President Jacques Chirac’s proposal for a law banning hijab from the country’s public school system have triggered much public debate on the national scale. It has also created a lot of justification from France’s non-Muslim intelligentsia. A key element has been revealed by the debate. Far from reinforcing “secularism” and banning all religious signs and symbols, a host of politicians and pundits has vocally focused on banning hijab.

The head of the Collège Théodore-Rosset de Montréal-la-Cluse, in the Ain department, banned a 13-year-old Franco-Moroccan girl from the junior high school on January 9, 2004 (reported by Reuters-France and F2 television). The high school emphasized their decision had been reached in the wake of many months of negotiating with the girl’s parents. The school’s authorities requested her to remove the hijab for “security reasons” for a few specific classes, such as physical education and Earth sciences. They offered her the option to wear a regular headscarf instead with only her ears being exposed. No one from the school specified where the conflict lay in wearing a hijab while studying Earth sciences…

Debate Spreads Through Society


The French political scene is currently devoid of any Muslim officials.


On January 8, 2004, Le Monde and Libération reported the political establishment to be up in arms about the wording of the new law. “The conspicuous wearing of religious symbols” (le port ostensible du symbole religieux) has sparked a debate on the vague terminology featured in the law’s central tenet.

In the meantime, France’s Interior Minister, Nicolas Sarkozy, who has been the key player in the French State’s relation to its Muslim populations, was visiting China on a semi-official State visit. So far, he has leaned with satisfaction on the Sheikh of Al-Azhar’s approval of the right of France’s legal state to draft the bill on secularism.

As an outflow of this anti-hijab law, the Sarkozy/Chirac power struggle has shifted an increment. Two weeks ago Minister Sarkozy called for “positive discrimination” in favor of appointing a Muslim prefect (i.e. the highest administrative official in a French department). The French political scene is currently devoid of any Muslim officials. After calling Sarkozy to order, Chirac made an announcement on January 8 in favor of sponsoring Muslim political officials.

On January 14, the words turned into action as Aïssa Dermouche, was appointed Prefect of the Jura department. Head of the Nantes Business School (École de commerce supérieure), Dermouche was born to a Franco-Kabylian family. He has since become part of the French elite of business deciders. Since June 2002, he has been President Chirac’s Chief of Staff.

In Favor of Secularism, or Against Hijab?


“…hijab also has a political dimension.”
                  - French MP


Reports published in Libération on January 8 made the “law on secularism” increasingly out to be a law against hijab. “One ought to be clear. The law aims at solving the hijab problem. That’s because the hijab also has a political dimension,” explained Hervé Mariton, the UMP (Union de la majorité politique) MP in the Drome department. The president of the UMP, Alain Juppé, has made similar assertions. For him, the French public school system must not only be a place for secularism, but also for neutrality.

Should anyone still be under the illusion about the law taking aim at all religions, i.e. Islam and Judaism alike, as does Alain Touraine (see below), Mariton’s statement makes the issue clear.

Bernard Accoyer, vice-president of the UMP in the National Assembly, explained: “The bill must keep its balance and allow people the freedom to carry a small, discreet sign of religious affiliation.”


By limiting itself to “conspicuous” signs, the ban explicitly targets hijab.


On the other hand, the Socialist Party is opposed to extending the ban to political signs and symbols (as is Che Gueverra t-shirts). Bruno Le Roux, Socialist MP for the Seine-Saint-Denis district, feels that by limiting itself to “conspicuous signs,” the text explicitly takes aim at hijab. In his view, the term “visible” (visible) would “discriminate far less” than “conspicuous” (ostensible).

Libération claims the debate and reticence are essentially irrelevant, given that the bill’s final wording will be decided by President Chirac. The house majority will then most likely be compelled to a partisan vote.

With a taste of the international repercussions provoked by the bill, the January 9, 2004 edition of Libération carried a warning from former Iranian president, Akbar Hachemi Rafsandjani: “I hope the French government and Chirac himself, as well as the French parliament, understand that they have insulted a billion and a half Muslims.”

December 2003

The December 13, 2003 issue of the weekly Le Point featured an interview with one of France’s most prominent philosophers, Marcel Gauchet. He was asked to discuss the country’s high profile interior minister, Nicolas Sarkozy. Professor Gauchet has written extensively on religion, democracy and secularism. He supports Sarkozy’s ambitious venture to seek a united voice for Islam in France. Here’s an excerpt:

Le Point: Does Nicolas Sarkozy’s choice to collaborate with all instances of Islam in France, including its radical wing, the UOIF, seem convincing to you?

M. Gauchet: His wager on Islam is not absurd. It fits in with the continuity of the Interior Ministry’s doctrine, for it’s an initiative that harks back to Pierre Joxe (Socialist Minister of the Interior, 1984-1986). Why not search for an alliance with the moral authority of the Imams, thereby using religion as a way of dealing with delinquency. As we know—and let’s forget about being politically correct here – the core of delinquency is found among the young ‘beurs’ (of North African origin) living in the low-rent housing projects. But he doesn’t always use the right mix. After all, Sarkozy needs all of the privileges granted him by his position to be able to say that a Muslim official is going to be recruited in the name of ‘positive discrimination.’ It is normal for Chirac to have called him back to order.”

An International Perspective: Brazil


Contemporary Islam in France has become the largest challenge to the “universalist” ambitions of French rationalism.


On January 11, Brazil’s Folha de S. Paulo (“Mais” supplement) featured an article in translation by Alain Touraine. The left-of-center French sociologist, and member of the board that recommended the French law, spelt out its terms as part of a reinforcement of secularism. Touraine’s argument, however, are seated on a series of skillfully exposed non-sequiturs.

Touraine argues that secularism arose as a result of the scientific progress created by the Enlightenment. Meanwhile in the late 20th century, the empowerment of Islam in France as a political and religious culture would have been enabled by the philosophical doctrine of “cultural relativism.” The essential idea behind the latter doctrine is that no culture or religion can claim superiority over another, for no set of values is supreme and transcendent to the point of having universal application. In the heated debates provoked between Republican standards and cultural relativism, contemporary Islam in France has become perhaps the single largest challenge to the “universalist” ambitions of French rationalism.

The bill put forth by President Chirac is meant to bolster secularism. The way Touraine explains this makes an unjustified epistemological leap. He argues that since secularism derives from scientific rationalism, and that cultural relativism has asserted anti-scientific statements in the name of respecting every culture’s truth claims, in its demands for greater cultural independence in France French Islam would be partaking in an “irrationalist” challenge to scientific rationalism. Needless to say, there is no further truth to issuing a claim such that the expression of Muslim faith in Islam’s teachings and traditions would be damning science, anymore than there is to claim that Catholics faithful to Church dogma all follow Pope John Paul II’s retrograde moral doctrines to the letter. Science and religions have coexisted more peacefully than many liberal intellectuals are aware.


Science and religions have coexisted more peacefully than many liberal intellectuals are aware.


Moreover, whether secularism has led to feminism and other radical egalitarian political movements, as Touraine offers as its greater guarantee for individual freedom, is a matter of chance. There is no necessary causality, motivation or progression from one to the other. The thought and behavior of French Christian/Secular women is hardly a challenge to the fabric of French patriarchal society—despite the right to wear mini-skirts and go topless on Riviera beaches. It is true that French women have entered the higher tiers of universities and the work force. Despite this, France’s “republican” political institutions are still solidly held by a patriarchal majority.

By shifting the debate to the science vs. obscurantism debate, it is not the least surprising to find Touraine’s reasoning itself slide into the obscure. He writes that “the conquests of scientific knowledge cannot be annulled in the name of a traditionalism or irrationalism established by terror instead of convention.” If this sentence does not suggest that Muslims benefit from terrorism, whereas all Christians and Secularists abide by the orderly principles of rational debate, I cannot personally think of a more explicit one.

The Law in France’s Colonies

France confronts the problem of applying the law to its “départements outre-mers,” or in other words, its colonies. Yet in a number of Indian Ocean colonies, the population is overwhelmingly Muslim.

The situation of Islam in some of these French territories makes enforcement of a text banning hijab a problem. In Reunion, where 35,000 Muslims live, out of a population of 700,000, hijab is worn in public establishments. There, a school director wears a turban tolerated by the School board. This department houses the only private French Muslim school, which is under contract with the State: the Medersa of Saint-Denis de La Reunion.

In Mayotte, the situation is even more complex. In this department community, where the near totality of the population is Muslim, the prefect names the Cadi, who represents the faith. The Cadis are the territorial officials applying the law based on jurisprudence. The new law on secularism that could be applied in the Indian Ocean may end up shaking up the statutes of the local law.


Norman Madarasz is a Canadian philosopher residing in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. With a Ph.D. from the University of Paris, he teaches and writes on international relations, political economy and philosophy. He is also a regular contributor to Counterpunch and has published think pieces and philosophical research extensively. You can reach him at nmphdiol2@yahoo.ca


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