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From Washington to Tehran... with Love

By Mutiullah Tayeb

Translated by: Imad Alayoubi

09/07/2003

President Bush expressed his support of the latest student protests; this expression was no different from his address to the people of Iran during the launch of the Persian Farda radio station

When you click on the “Student Movement” icon on the Farsi version of the Voice of America web site, a page opens that carries news of the latest student protest demonstrations in Iran, as well as news reports on and analyses of the Iranian student movement that was triggered by the events of July 1999, which claimed the lives of a number of students.

This web site is one of tens of electronic media that address Iranians from the United States of America and attempt to engage and support the Iranian youth movement, which is seen as a catalyst for future change within the Islamic Republic of Iran, the second country listed on George W. Bush’s “axis of evil”.

Tehran, however, is attempting to block the U.S. media attack, which is launched through the air waves, in order to minimize the impact of the U.S. media on their target audience, especially the students, who have become the focus of Washington’s attention.

What is the objective of this media war that Washington is launching via the rock ‘n’ roll and heavy metal songs, the live broadcast of student protests against the tyranny of the velayat-e-faqih or guardianship of the jurisprudent, and the around-the-clock coverage of the situation in Iran?

A Call for Democracy and Public Freedom

The last paragraph of the U.S Senate’s Resolution 306, which was passed on 25 July 2002, regarding democracy in Iran stated: “In dealing with Iran we must focus all of our efforts on the people and their hopes of a free and democratic nation. The Voice of America, Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty must redouble their efforts to provide uncensored truth to the Iranian peoples.”

The Senate also agreed to set a side $50 million to restore genuine democracy to Iran through the establishment of Farsi satellite radio stations in the United States and supporting the broadcasts that target Iranians, particularly the youth, who constitute 70% of the Iranian people.

The U.S.-sponsored satellite stations and broadcasts started to focus on the issue of public freedom and democracy, which is a sore point with the Iranian regime. The main target audience of the U.S.-backed media campaign is the generation that emerged after the revolution, a generation that is searching for its identity and pondering its future within a society that is controlled by a strict sectarian movement through organizations and establishments that lay the boundaries, set the rules of the game, and govern the way they deem fit.

It seems that the policy of the U.S. media war against the Iranian theocracy started to reap some fruits. In a direct reference to the role of the media in the existing war between Tehran and Washington, Iranian National Security Minister Ali Yunisi has confirmed that the latest disorders were led and orchestrated via satellite stations from outside Iran.

It seems that the United States aims at stirring a youth uprising within Iran that would change the situation in a way that would serve Washington’s interests and spare it the trouble of waging a new war. It is clear that the Unites States is resorting to a strategy similar to that which was adopted by the Islamic Revolution in Iran: tape recordings from Ayatollah Khomeini were sent from France and distributed among the youth, who converged on the streets of Iran against the Shah.

In 1978 the Iranian youth, emboldened by the moral support they received from abroad, rose up against the dictatorship of the Shah calling for freedom. A quarter of a century later, Washington wishes today to repeat the same scenario and seize on the youth’s rage against the tyranny of the conservative movement within the Iranian corridors of power. Through satellite radio broadcasts and the Internet, the U.S administration is providing moral support to the defiant youth who started to break their silence and come out onto the streets, sacrificing their lives and futures.

The U.S. Media Approach

President Bush expressed his support of the latest student protests, calling them a positive step on the road to freedom. This expression was no different from his address to the people of Iran during the launch of the Persian Farda radio station, which airs western and Iranian songs-banned in Iran-and provides 24-hour news coverage and analysis of the situation in Iran. In his radio address, President Bush said, “We continue to stand with the people of Iran in your quest for freedom, prosperity, honest and effective government, judicial due process and the rule of law.”

At the same time, official statements from Washington not only declared full moral support for these demonstrations, but expressed major concerns about the Iranian government’s reprisal against the demonstrators.

The message conveyed by the U.S. media to the Iranian people is threefold. First, the U.S. administration supports the popular action against the Iranian regime and intends to address the people directly, not through the reformist movement that represents them in the government. U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell stated that the objective of the U.S. policy towards Iran is to directly address the Iranian people-bypassing their leaders-and inform them that the U.S. administration agrees with the actions they are taking. Thus, the U.S.-backed media conveyed a message of support to the small groups that took to the streets in protest as well as the silent masses that criticized their government in a less vocal manner.

Second, the U.S. administration calls for the mobilization of the Iranian masses to change the Islamic regime that has ruled Iran since the Khomeini-led revolution in 1978, and assures Iranians that the world will not sit idle but will support them if they rise to change the regime or steer its policies away from the reformist approach in order to achieve public freedoms and democracy.

These messages of support and calls for change have been met with some opposition within the United States, particularly from politicians like Garry Sayk, who was the national security advisor during the crisis of the U.S. hostages in Iran in 1978. Sayk believes that unless Washington is ready to provide real support and actual backing of a major popular uprising against the regime in Iran, sending any gesture indicating U.S. support of such uprising will harm the movement behind it, instead of aiding it. Such a gesture could lead to a morbid scenario similar to that which happened in southern Iraq in 1991, when the Shiites, in response to U.S messages of support and calls for change, rose against Saddam Hussein. President Bush, Senior, who endorsed those messages, watched Saddam slaughter thousands of revolting Shiites without lifting a finger.

The Iranian government feels the pressure of the tightening grip and may not take kindly to any internal movement that attempts to destabilize or topple the regime. And those who take to the streets undoubtedly realize that responding to the rhetorical support of the White House could be irrational and that they might have to persevere long to persuade the Iranian masses of the importance of a strong, broad-based action to achieve freedom and reform internal affairs without any outside intervention.

Mobilizing the Iranian people for change is clearly expressed in the continued U.S media coverage of the demonstrations in an attempt to portray them as the most important events on the Iranian scene, notwithstanding the fact that these demonstrations were much smaller than those which took place in 1999. Throughout the demonstrations, Farda Radio and the Farsi broadcast of the Voice of America continued live news reporting and hosted Iranian and other analysts around the clock to analyze the events and examine their impact on the future of the government and the contending political movements in Iran.

The Iranian regime resorted to suppressing media coverage of the protests, linking them to the United States, the “great Satan”, and describing the protestors as “mercenaries of the enemy.” These measures backfired when people from across the spectrum started listening to the U.S.-sponsored broadcasts. The protests became a burning issue that stirred hot and controversial debates in parliament, government establishments, and the streets of Iran. The events also drew international attention to Iran at a time when Washington, several European capitals, and Moscow, as well as the International Atomic Energy Agency started pressuring Tehran to allow the inspection of its nuclear facilities.

The third and perhaps most important message of the U.S. media is the call for ensuring the communication between the Iranian youth who came out in protest-calling for Khamenei’s death and taking the risk of being attacked by Hizbollah loyalists or being imprisoned-and their families and friends and other citizens who were closely monitoring the situation, as well as thousands of Iranians abroad. The information technology facilitated the protestors’ communication with the entire world. Protestors used cell phones, electronic mail and personal web sites to convey what is happening on the scene, and Radio Liberty, the Voice of America, and the opposition’s satellite stations in Los Angeles and Canada quenched their listeners’ and viewers’ thirst for information.

Will History Repeat Itself?

Some members of the U.S. administration wish that the current student protests in Iran could turn into a mighty force that would uproot the Iranian regime -a scenario similar to the overthrow of the Ceausecu regime in Romania in 1989. However, many people in Iran fear that the Tehran University campus could turn into another Tiananmen Square, where, in 1989, the Chinese army massacred a large number of students who converged in the Chinese capital Beijing to call for democracy and public freedoms. The world silently watched the events unfold on CNN. Maybe because the United States was not ready to engage in a war with China, as is the situation today. As for Iran, Washington is two minded: Should the U.S. military intervene now to liberate Iran from the grip of what President Bush calls a number of unelected officials who control the reigns of government in Iran, or should they wait until the popular opposition base broadens?

However, the consensus in Washington is that cultural invasion and more media attacks are necessary to widen the gaps among various movements within the Iranian society, thus setting the stage for actual confrontations among these movements. Such confrontations would provide justification for international intervention and would allow the United States to change the regime in Iran in a way that would serve U.S. interests, even if this change takes place in the distant future.

The Iranian media have chosen to undermine the protests. This is particularly true of the state media, which seek to portray the protestors as traitors and make serious attempts to block the U.S. messages.

The media in the war between Washington and Tehran remain an essential tool for influencing public opinion, and Iranian listeners, viewers and readers find themselves inundated with a flood of information and news reports and analyses that are difficult to sift through and make sense of, especially when they are interspersed with slots of loud and vigorous Western music broadcast by Fadra Radio or Farsi folk songs on Tehran Radio. Frustrated, many viewers and listeners often search for lighter programs or turn off their TVs and radios to contemplate their futures.

 

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