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The Anti-war Movement
Three Years After the War
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By Jo Wilding**
Freelance writer – United
Kingdom
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Mar.
20, 2006
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Thousands of protesters take part in an anti-war protest in Trafalgar Square in central London, March 18, 2006.
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Three
years ago on this day, a great, bear-like hotel porter called Ahmed
came and knocked on the door of my room and said, "I am sorry.
The bombers are coming."
"No,"
I said. "I’m sorry. They’re our bombers."
The
campaign in Britain against the war had been immense and it remains
my firm belief that the size of the global mobilization against
bombing was all that prevented even greater civilian carnage when
the United States, United Kingdom and their allies invaded Iraq.
The
numbers opposing the occupation now are even larger, with fewer
people believing what the government says but, sadly, fewer people
believing they have any power to make a difference. If the millions
marching on a single day around the world did not stop them, the
thinking goes, what can I do?
Yesterday,
March 18th, thousands of people
marched in London. The police, who always underestimate, claimed
around 15,000. The organizers, who always overestimate, asserted
100,000. Though the marches are the most visible face of the
anti-war movement in the United Kingdom, they are not its sole
focus. As I said to Ahmed, they were our bombers. They were made by
arms manufacturers in our towns. Companies in our cities are still
gobbling up the financial spoils of war and occupation.
If
the millions marching on a single day around the world did not
stop them, the thinking goes, what can I do? |
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The
Brighton-based SmashEDO group has targeted EDO MBM, described on
their website as "a wholly owned subsidiary of EDO Corp, a
US-based arms multinational that is currently number 10 on the
Forbes 100-list of fastest growing companies." The company
supplies the UK Ministry of Defense with bomb releasing equipment
and its managing director Dave Jones has admitted he is "fully
aware" of what the products are used for.
SmashEDO
has been demonstrating outside the company’s premises
consistently, using noise protests, vigils, weapons inspections and
so on. The company applied for a court injunction to limit the
protests to a maximum of ten, who would be obliged to be silent on
pain of criminal punishment. They used the Protection from
Harassment Act, passed, ostensibly, to enable prosecution of people
who stalked women.
More
than thirty were arrested and two were remanded in prison for
breaches of the injunction before the company dropped its claim in
early February this year, agreeing to pay the defendants £200,000
($350,000) in legal costs. The UK Attorney General had intervened in
the case to prevent the court considering whether EDO MBM was
responsible for war crimes. Criminal charges were also dropped and
the managing director resigned.
The
group’s
website
quotes Gandhi: "First they ignore you, then they laugh at you,
then they fight you, then you win."
On
a similar theme activists have been targeting "Corporate
Pirates" who are perpetuating and profiting from the occupation
of Iraq. The UK company Windrush Communications organized a series
of "Iraq Procurement Conferences" to help companies
procure a piece of the carved-up new Iraq. Since becoming a target
for peace activists, the company—formerly known as Wishwell —
has divided itself into several businesses called Iraq Supplier, the
Iraq Development Program, the Iraqi British Business Centre and Iraq
Procurement.
Like
EDO MBM, Windrush tried to use the law to stifle protests, but
dropped criminal charges when faced with the defendants’ argument
that it was guilty of the war crime of pillage. The Attorney General
had already indicated to the British government in a memo that its economic
plans
for Iraq might breach the Hague and Geneva laws against changing an
occupied country’s economic structure or extracting its natural
resources.
The
cases are rumbling on against five activists who sabotaged
bombing-related equipment at RAF / USAF Fairford in Gloucestershire,
with the House of Lords—the highest court in the country — now
considering whether the defendants can bring evidence of war crimes
into their defense. They believe that the International Criminal
Court Act, which sets out Britain's role in the ICC, permits British
courts to examine allegations of conduct said to amount to war
crimes.
That
would mean the five protesters could say in court that they were
justified in sabotaging war machinery because it would have been
used to commit war crimes, and could bring evidence showing that war
crimes were in fact committed.
The
impact of a march lies in letting people isolated in Iraq or
elsewhere see that there is solidarity and compassion for them
in the very countries which are attacking them. |
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Of
course what matters most is that the sabotage — the determined and
sustained campaigning against these most important targets — is
going on. It cannot be ignored as a march can. However, the impact
of a march lies in letting people isolated in Iraq or elsewhere see
that there is solidarity and compassion for them in the very
countries which are attacking them.
But
it is interesting to see the response of the government, Attorney
General, police and companies: their ongoing efforts to demoralize,
criminalize and silence protest. Clearly, we in the United Kingdom
are much better placed to defy those attempts than activists in
other countries, protected as we still are by relatively effective
civil liberties—at least for the white-skinned among us.
Still
those liberties are being hacked away alarmingly. On April 2nd —
the anniversary of the beginning of the first siege of Fallujah —
there will be a gathering in Parliament Square to read the names of
just 1000 of the Iraqis who have been killed in the invasion and
occupation. Since the passage of the Serious Organized Crime and
Police Act (2005), simply to take part in the protest has been
considered a crime.
I
carried the body of an unarmed old man shot in the back, escorted
ambulances because the US marines were shooting at them when they
were driven by Iraqis, helped evacuate civilians because the marines
had been shooting dead even children who tried to flee their homes
unaccompanied by white foreigners. That is what the US forces did in
Fallujah, but I will be committing a criminal offence if I
participate in a reading of the names of some of the dead in front
of the houses of Parliament.
Meanwhile
Phil Shiner of Public
Interest Lawyers
continues to fight for Iraqi families who are demanding "an
independent and effective inquiry" into killings by British
forces in southern Iraq. Baha Mousa’s family won a High Court
ruling in December 2004 and a Court of Appeal decision a year later
that an inquiry should be held. Baha is believed to have been beaten
to death in British custody.
We
will not rest until the occupation forces are out, economic
control of their country is returned to the Iraqis and the
Afghanis and every other country and reparations are paid. |
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Three
years have passed since the invasion of Iraq began and the
opposition of the military — of veterans, families and serving
soldiers — has become bigger, more public and more vocal.
Yesterday’s Independent (19th March 2006) published figures
showing a massive increase in soldiers going absent without leave
since the occupation of Iraq began; 135 in 2003, 230 in 2004 and 383
in 2005 have refused to return to duty. The number of those who
overtly declare themselves to be conscientious objectors is much
smaller but growing.
Military
Families Against the War
has been functioning in the United Kingdom for a couple of years,
opposing the occupation and offering support for bereaved families,
those with someone still out in Iraq and soldiers thinking of
refusing to go there. Since the arrest of two members of the British
SAS (elite special forces) in Basra disguised in Arab clothing and
driving a car packed with weapons and explosives followed by the
British army’s operation to free them from Iraqi custody, there
have been even more questions about the United Kingdom's activities
in Iraq though not, of course, in much of the mainstream media.
There
were vigils across the United Kingdom when the 100th British soldier
died in January 2006. Though this number was miniscule compared with
the number of Iraqi civilians killed, it provided a landmark against
which the damage caused by the governments lies could be measured.
What
has been disturbingly absent though is outrage on the streets
against the attacks on towns and cities throughout Iraq. As I write,
late at night, my baby son is asleep upstairs, three years almost to
the hour after Ahmed came to tell me the invasion of Iraq was about
to begin, the town of Samarra is under attack. Again media in the
town is embedded with US troops, who have apparently not met with
armed resistance. Reporters have been given an unusually high level
of access to the assault, which accounts for the greater press
coverage — as ever, the political and military agenda dictates
what becomes news.
The
attacks on Tal Afar, Hit, Rawa, Parwana, Ramadi and so on have
received only a fraction of the coverage, with International
Peace Angels,
Doctors for Iraq, the Iraqi Red Crescent and a few courageous Iraqi
journalists variously struggling to get aid in and information out.
Too little has been heard and seen from the UK anti-war movement in
response.
Wherever
you are reading this, whether or not you are free to protest, the
arms deals go on. The machinations of the UK and US governments, the
IMF and a few huge multinational companies continue towards tighter
economic control of the whole world and its resources.
In
the UK the anti-war movement is beginning to look towards Iran. I
hope that I can say for it that it will continue to target the
mercenary companies, the arms dealers and the politicians, that we
will sabotage the war effort this time round and that we will not
rest until the occupation forces are out, economic control of their
country is returned to the Iraqis and the Afghanis and every other
country and reparations are paid.
**Jo
Wilding is a British human rights campaigner, writer, and
trainee lawyer from Bristol, UK. She went to Iraq several times,
where she maintained a daily blog
and took part in Circus
2 Iraq, “a small group of circus performers … set up to …
perform and give circus skills workshops to children [in Iraq]
traumatized by sanctions, war and its aftermath.” Her articles
about Iraq and ordinary Iraqis were published in the Guardian, the
New Zealand Herald, and Counterpunch.
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