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American and Arab Youth Share Ideas
US-Promoted Reform: Genuineness or Rhetoric?*
(Part Four)

Sept. 22, 2005 

 - Introduction
 -
Part One
 - Part Two
 - Part Three
 - Part Four

In the context of IslamOnline.net’s coverage of the issue of the US role in Middle East reform, we sponsored an e-mail-based dialogue between American university student Benjamin B. Brandenburg and Egyptian university student Mona Akil El-Kouedi.

September 14, 2005

Dear Mona,

In response to your passionate reply to my previous entry, I assure you that I sincerely sympathize with the civilian deaths in Iraq and the abuses Iraqis have suffered at Abu Ghraib as a result of America’s war in Iraq. I have strongly urged my fellow Americans to realize the gravity of a scandal that creates the illusion that American soldiers are no different than the Baath Pary officials they risked their lives to overthrow.

All lives are precious and deaths and sufferings will have consequences for generations to come. But, dear Mona, just because I wrote that your civilian casualty rate in Iraq was inaccurate, or that the sufferings of prisoners at Abu Ghraib under American soldiers (no reported deaths) are lesser than the sufferings of Iraqi prisoners at Abu Ghraib under Saddam Hussein’s thugs (many reported deaths), does not mean that I imply that civilian deaths do not matter or that Abu Ghraib didn’t matter. Making a factual comparison intended to provoke the mind to think of the difference between prison conditions during Saddam’s reign and after it in no way should be inferred as an “acceptance” of the Abu Ghraib scandal, let alone racism. I respectfully suggest that you misinterpreted my comparison and spewed accusations without understanding the context.

There was a security threat—a bubble ready to burst—that threatened worldwide security.

Understanding the difference between Iraq under Saddam and under the rule of Iraqis is related to your question of what is “just humanitarian intervention.” In two of my four responses to you, I laid out in greater detail the reasons for invading Iraq. In short, there was a security threat—a bubble ready to burst—that threatened worldwide security. Second, there were the demonstrable acts (let us not forget the Kurdish and Shiite victims of gas warfare) of a dictator towards Iraq’s citizens, acts that should have never been accepted by anyone. I would love to go into further detail, but we are debating America’s democratic intentions, not the Iraq war.

We are here to discuss the level of sincerity in America’s “forward strategy of freedom.” I fear that the Middle East’s highly educated and unlettered alike still believe that America’s democracy campaign is opportunistic and fake, and that it is driven by a close relationship with Israel, a dislike of Islam, a thirst for more oil, and a readiness to back autocrats when this suits the United States. 

While there are very minor elements of truth to those claims (yes, we live in a political world), the major motive is still a bit selfish. You see, after 9/11, the Bush administration concluded that America’s long-term security depends on ending the system of autocracy in the Middle East, which, they believe, encourages terrorism. Call it selfish if you may but there is little doubt that American influence created conditions for reform.

It was just after Condoleezza Rice shrewdly cancelled a scheduled visit to Egypt that Mubarak announced an unprecedented contested election. This allowed for Egypt’s first real civic debate. Future historians will remember Ayman Nour’s stirring words on the campaign trail: “I have toured one out of 26 governorates, and not one single pane of glass was broken, so how come we have been told for 24 years that we need riot police and emergency laws, that we aren’t ready for democracy?” Although Mubarak took no risk to ensure his victory, the winds of public debate have been heard.

Lebanon’s dramatic overthrow of the Syrian yoke was only made possibly by American steps to isolate Syria’s autocratic rulers, which was made possible by the toppling of Saddam Hussein. Iraq, with violence and all, is valiantly struggling towards a new constitution and federal order that in sha’ Allah (God willing) will be accepted in a referendum, which will ensure more elections and less violence. Palestine is still under Israeli occupation, but, in spite of this, they have elected a new leader and will vote on a parliament next year. The rest of the Middle East has caught the stirrings of democracy. An Arab springtime of democracy might not bloom in one season, but the end is inevitable.

After all, who wants it to remain the same? Those who’ve read the Arab Human development Reports certainly don’t. I ask you, would this condition have been created had the US democracy talk been insincere?

American’s democracy talk may partially be for security reasons, but America’s history as the world’s first modern democracy demands that the message be for real. I encourage the Arab world to look past some of the actions of America and focus on its message.

I end my debate with one final question: What does the United States have to do to prove that its democratization intentions for the Middle East are sincere?

Salam Aleikum,

Benjamin Brandenburg

*****

September 15, 2005

Dearest Ben,

I am writing you now from London. Guess what we are debating? Terrorism as well. It’s everywhere.

First of all, dear Ben, I am so sad for the misunderstanding of my last e-mail. Maybe it is because we are communicating without meeting in person. I think that, sometimes, when you read words, things become very abstract and different from what they really mean. Or maybe it is because I am not a very good writer.

Well—I said that I considered what you said as racist but I didn’t say that I considered you to be racist. I know this would be an unacceptable accusation and I quite understand how you may reject it. When I said that your statement was somehow racist, I, FOR SURE, did not mean that you were so. I thought this was a political debate. I am sorry if I hurt your feelings. I really apologize.

Although you said that we had many differences, I tried, during this debate, to impose provocative questions and answers so as to get the common ground between us. To have a real dialogue, I think we must tackle the most controversial issues, as I think we did. I think that this debate has been fruitful because we represent the viewpoints of our peoples. I am not generalizing, but it’s somehow true.

If you want me to agree with the American-led democratization process so as to be well-educated and liberal, then I don't think that we will be making a real debate. I can write you a poem about American democracy, but here on the Arab street, as I said, we can hardly feel it with American troops everywhere in the region.

I can write you a poem about American democracy, but here on the Arab street we can hardly feel it.

Having some differences in opinion, I think, doesn’t mean that we have to close the debate. On the contrary, I think it aims at having another starting point. That’s why I asked the question about humanitarian intervention. I thought that out of it we could realize our common ground. But, Ben, without having the confidence to express our major, major differences, I think we won’t reach a real common ground.

The question you asked is very broad. I think it should come after many other questions—that’s if we really want to reach a common ground.

But if you want an instant answer for your question, I would say that the United States and others should respect the peoples’ capacities in achieving democracy. I know that this is quite a short answer, but, as I told you, this question can’t be asked without many others come first. We have to ask the first question first, I guess.

Regarding your remarks on the Egyptian election, I would certainly love to debate this issue. I will e-mail you once I return back home in sha’ Allah.

Thank you very, very much, Ben, for your important comments. I think they gave me clear ideas of how Americans view their work and ours.

Hope to continue our debates.

Best wishes.

Thanks so much, IslamOnline.

Yours,

Mona


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