“I'm happy that I won't see
settlers after today,” exclaimed Nehad Basher. The
fourteen-year-old boy stood on the roof of his family's four-story
house in Deir Al Balah City, watching the long line of trucks and
moving vans entering and leaving the soon-to-be-emptied Israeli
settlement of Kfar Darom.
Nehad Basher and his father could
see from their rooftop the anti-disengagement “command center”
in Kfar Darom, which looked like a tent located roughly in the
center of the settlement and topped by an orange flag. Many of
the red-tile-roofed houses also flied the orange flag, the color
adopted by the anti-withdrawal faction.
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Yahya
Basher’s house has been shot at, tear gas canisters have
landed inside; his wife and children have been beaten while
in their own groves.
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Yahya Basher, Nehad's father, can't
hide his happiness: “It's finally over—all the torture we
endured at the hands of those settlers. The day they all leave
has to be a festival for me!” Over the years, his house has
been shot at, tear gas canisters have landed inside; his wife and
children have been beaten while in their own orange and olive
groves.
His face grew grave as he explained
how three years ago, his family's 27 donums of planted land were
confiscated outright by the Israeli Army to “improve the
security” of the Kfar Darom settlement. Unlike the settlers who
will receive substantial financial compensation, Palestinians whose
land was expropriated or houses destroyed received nothing. The
Basher family hope to reclaim and replant their land.
In the same Deir al-Balah
neighborhood—not far from the Bashers’ house—an old woman
wearing a married woman's white mendeel (headscarf) was looking
through a broken window in a wall so riddled with bullet holes,
resembling a sieve. It's hard to find a good translation for
the joyful, shrill words Palestinian women sometimes utter; it is a
kind of victory cry edged with angry lament.
Umm Mohammed was born in Askelan,
which is part of what is now Israel. Her words sounded
vengeful: “I could not stop cheering when I saw those settlers
being removed by the Israeli army, suffering as they have made us
suffer.” The words were harsh, but the bullet holes—too
many to count—in the wall of her house that faced Kfar Darom told
their own story.
Like so many Palestinian houses
close to Israeli settlements, Umm Mohammed’s house, which has been
a target for Israeli bullet fire for decades, bears testimony to the
polar opposite of a “good neighbor policy.” Many times the
residents could figure out no reason at all for the hail of Israeli
bullets. Sometimes the bullets came from the armed settlers; other
times from the Israeli soldiers in sniper towers. Now, for the first
time in years, Umm Mohammed can look through the window of her own
house in relative safety.
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“How
can we have a free country with the Israelis controlling the
borders?”
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Planting the Palestinian Flag
The Israeli Army was worried
that the withdrawal would be marked by Palestinian attacks, but so
far, Hamas and the other militant factions have kept their word
to take no hostile action against
the departing settlers. Throughout Gaza, the children of the
neighborhoods near the settlements have been well-nigh unstoppable;
dashing barefoot over the broiling sand, they plant the Palestinian
flag as close as possible to settlement walls. Palestinian Authority
soldiers have formed rough perimeters to keep the children at a safe
distance, but none of the exuberant children have been hurt.
The Western mainstream media have
been hailing the Gaza disengagement as a first step on the way of
restarting the stagnant peace process, but many Gazans are not that
optimistic. Baker Abdul-Raheem from Khan Younis in southern Gaza
wondered: “What exactly will we get out of this disengagement? The
Israelis will control the borders, the airspace, and the seacoast!
They will be right outside the borders ready to re-invade whenever
they please!”
Certainly, despite heavy pressure
from the international community, many vital questions of border
control are still unanswered. “Of course,” Abdul-Raheem
continued, “it isn't a bad thing to have the checkpoints removed
and to move freely around Gaza. Hopefully, the farmers will get
their land back and the people residing near the settlements will no
longer live in fear. That's not bad for sure. But does it make us a
sovereign nation? How can we have a free country with the Israelis
controlling the borders?”
Guns abandoned—or poised and
ready?
Will Gaza finally have a taste of
peace? Some of the militants, in light of the recurring truce
violations, and the ongoing violence in the West Bank, are less than
optimistic.
The Sharon government has been
insisting on its demands that the Palestinian President, Mahmoud
Abbas, “crack down on terrorists.” However, Abbas has preferred
to negotiate and include the militant factions in the political
process. In a recent speech given during a celebration at the Gaza
City harbor, Abbas declared that there should be no separate
militant factions.
However, Mahmoud Al Zahar, a Hamas
political spokesman, said that as long as the Israeli occupation
remains, whether in Gaza or the West Bank, armed resistance is an
option. “Asking us to disband al-Qassam Brigades (the armed wing
of Hamas) is a crime,” he told the reporters at a Gaza City
celebration on August 12. "That force should remain armed and
ready to protect Palestinians."
Although the Western mainstream
press has been talking of a "historic breakthrough," a few
Palestinians believe Ariel Sharon has undergone a complete
transformation and suddenly become their champion. Disengagement was
a unilateral Israeli decision, and the specific details of the
withdrawal from Gaza were as difficult for the Palestinian
authorities to ascertain as for the settlers. Whether this is really
a step toward a lasting, just peace, or another brutally frustrating
dead end for ordinary citizens on both sides of the Green Line, only
time will tell.
**