Persistent Kefaya has been so far—in the face of the regime’s rejection of opposition and violent suppression of protests. Protesters have been subjected to severe physical repression. Joe Stork of Human Rights Watch states, “Police brutality against peaceful protesters is becoming the norm ... in Egypt.”

In reference to a July 30, 2005, demonstration, Stork attributes what happened to demonstrators, at the hands of both plainclothes and uniformed security forces, to “a high-level decision not just to prevent a demonstration, but also to physically punish those daring to protest President Mubarak’s candidacy.”

Given all the dangers and threats, Kefaya continues to protest. “Taking out to streets signifies our challenge to the regime and its repression, and carries a sign to the Egyptian public opinion of the necessity to participate and challenge the regime,” says Idris.

The last method is “very important,” Idris confirms.

“Kefaya is a national coalition movement ... that aims to achieve national concord among all political currents,” he explains.

This very important method is not fully utilized.

“We hoped that all opposition forces had formed an ad hoc coalition during the presidency elections [but this was not the case],” Idris laments.

“Some parties are reluctant about cooperating with Kefaya; they think that Kefaya is competing with them over their followers or their leading activists,” he clarifies. Kefaya’s members, such as 30-year-old Ahmed Hamed, are always keen to reiterate that their movement is “not a political party” and that it “does not aim at assuming power.”

This lack of cooperation on the part of Egyptian opposition hampers Kefaya’s ability to achieve its goals, according to Idris. To Mohamed Gamal Arafa, an Egyptian journalist and political analyst, “The strength and success of Kefaya, which doesn’t have a large membership, will be determined by whether or not the Muslim Brotherhood—with hundreds of thousands of followers—coordinates effort with them.”

With limited membership, the small, yet notable movement has had considerable achievements.

“Kefaya has certainly succeeded in changing the culture of protest on the Egyptian street; before, Egyptians feared only standing near a demonstration ... now many actively take part, which is gradually encouraging others to join them,” Arafa asserts.

“Yet,” he adds, “the fact remains that more than 53 years of ban on protests, and crackdowns on and detentions of opposition members have strengthened the culture of fear amongst the Egyptian people,” which discourages them from participating in public rallies against the regime.

In fact, the government’s severe violence is strong enough to deter many who would have otherwise marched saying “enough is enough” to the Egyptian regime. “Decades of governmental tyranny have resulted in a frozen political process and a limited number of participants,” says Kefaya’s Idris. Unless joined by the well-organized, thousands-strong Brotherhood, the number of demonstrators in Kefaya’s rallies varies from 500 to 2,500 at the most.

Arafa is still optimistic. “Kefaya’s demos have not yet led to the full achievement of the movement’s goals, but what’s important is that they have certainly consolidated the culture of protest in Egypt, which has changed the Egyptian government’s stance on protests, as the regime is now more tolerant of demonstrations.”

Tolerant? Not always. From time to time, the government brutally cracks down on protesters; some other times, it lets go, as if it is turning a blind eye to their angry yelling and condemnation of the president, the ministers, and the entire regime.

In Arafa’s opinion, the government’s policy with Kefaya is based on US pressures; thus, Kefaya’s demos flourish particularly when the US expresses criticism against Egypt’s suppression of the movement. “Security forces deal with the demonstrations cruelly when the relationship between the US and the Egyptian government booms ... and vice versa.”

Kefaya does not welcome US intervention, though, says Kefaya member Ahmed Hamed. He pinpoints the conflict between his movement and the world superpower: “Whereas our ultimate goal is that Egypt becomes a strong state, the United States wants us to be a dependent state, and the United States works only for its own interests.”

Arafa agrees: “American pressure ... is aimed merely to bully the Egyptian regime [when need be],” which is why “Kefaya counts on the Egyptian street’s stance rather than that of the United States.”

But has Kefaya succeeded in acquiring enough support from the Egyptian street?

“The Egyptian citizen generally feels oppressed due to the widespread unemployment, poverty, and people’s inability to make ends meet, and in the light of what Egyptians constantly read in opposition press about the prevalence of corruption, they are getting more ready to protest in general, whether with Kefaya or with any other group,” Arafa answers.

The problem lies in the dominant “culture of fear from security institutions and what is published [in the media] about torture and violence in prisons, which results in the low turnout in demonstrations,” he adds.

Arafa believes that the regime will get even more brutal with Kefaya in the future, especially after the elections, in which Mubarak is expected to win and continue to rule Egypt for more years to come. “After the presidential elections, the government might claim that Kefaya’s role is no longer valid because the movement originally started against hereditary succession, which is no longer considered, and it opposed the extension of Mubarak’s rule, which will take place anyway by means of elections.”

Kefaya member Ahmed Hamed is worried: “I am concerned about the violent security forces, the ultimate threat to Kefaya.”

What reassures him is that “Egyptian society has greatly embraced Kefaya.”

Yet, R still refuses to have her name published. “I don’t want to get arrested and beaten up by the police,” she says with a grin.