When
the President of United States of America delivers a speech
projecting a “vision” of a solution for peace in the
Middle East, the entire world must listen in. But what was this
“vision”? What is the perception of such a “vision”? The
speech that attracted the attention of the international
community (dated
Monday, June 24th, 2002) was no more than a lousy and morbid rewrite of another speech
delivered earlier in April. On occupation, the root glitch, the
first speech read (italics added):
“…
the occupation must end
through withdrawal to secure and recognized boundaries
consistent with United Nations Resolutions 242 and 338.”
Only
more blindness was there to the aid of Mr. Bush’s new
“vision”:
“…
the Israeli occupation that began in 1967 will
be ended through a settlement negotiated between the
parties, based on U.N. Resolutions 242 and 338, with Israeli
withdrawal to secure and recognized borders.”
Bush
and His Ambush
In
accordance with the president’s political instinct, racist,
meaningless, blind, grotesque, slanted, and improbable as it is,
a rigid ultimatum was given to the Palestinians to oust their
leadership, to choose a president other than Arafat, to give up
their sovereign right to choose their leadership, to put up with
the polite occupation for three more years, to enjoy the
obstruction of movement under elongated curfew, to get rid of
corruption, and to revolve their lives in a circular journey
around the security of Israel.
To
balance, a delicate health tip was given to the Israeli
government by Mr. (Dr.?) Bush!
Mr.
Bush has written and revised the history of the mayhem in the
region. What he came up with is uncomplicated: “in the
beginning, there was the security of Israel…”
Mr.
Bush, in his ideological hallucinations, forgot that democracy
is an extravagance. Democracy cannot coexist with occupation,
whether for the occupier or the occupied. It only lives under
freedom and justice. Without that, Mr. Bush will exceed in the
meaninglessness of words like “a provisional state,”
“interim,” “enhancement of the Palestinian Authority”
and the like. He even obliterated all with one stroke: the
Clinton
offer, the Saudi initiative, the Mitchell Plan, the
Oslo
accords and even the international conference that was called
for and dismissed as a misnomer.
In
a brilliant satirical
article, written by the skillful writer and former member of
the Israeli Knesset, Uri Avnery, as a secret report to the
American president from his national Security advisor,
Israel is shown to have:
…
an autocratic one-man rule by a leader surrounded by cronies and
yes-men, a leader who is a chronic liar, whose every word is
untrustworthy, corruption that penetrates every echelon of
government, democratic institutions which serve only as
window-dressing, the lack of a constitution, the absence of a
real opposition, a multi-party system that is just a pretense,
media that are fully mobilized in the service of the government.
Such a System is unable to move towards peace.
By
showing the corruption; corruption in government spending,
corruption in election campaign funding, mediocrity and
mendacity, especially that of Prime Minister Sharon, a certified
liar according to many Israeli public figures (the same person
renowned in Israel as the “bulldozer,” and the same person
that President Bush called “a man of peace”), it becomes
apparent that Israel is far from a democracy, nothing like how
many perceive her to be.
But
it does not matter. Palestinians must have a democratic system,
when
Israel
does not. There must be a Palestinian constitution, when in
Israel
there is not. Palestinians should draw and accept the given
borders, while
Israel
should not – all inline with Mr. Bush’s “vision.”
The
Inside and the End-Side
Corruption
within the Palestinian Authority (PA) is no secret. It was even
announced by a committee formed by the PA itself. Even with
Arafat playing a typical Arab despot role to keep his powers,
brushing off any, if not all, objections to his desperation and
defeatism before the American roaring and the Israeli thundering
to create a quasi-state (some coming from many respectable
figures like Edward Said and Hanan Ashrawi), Mr. Bush is not
satisfied.
The
problem with Arafat is that he used to play on both sides; his
people on one hand and
America
and
Israel
on the other. As rage does not obey rules, he could not stop the
Palestinian resistance and he could not fully give in to outside
pressures (a state he created by agreeing to be responsible for
the security of
Israel
in 1993). Now, even with the thirst and water drops policy of
funding that Arafat used with all Palestinian factions, Muhammad
Dahlan, head of the Palestinian Authority’s security
organization in
Gaza
and a nominee to succeed Arafat, stated:
Bush
is now effectively demanding a coup d’état against Arafat,
because the American administration says that even if he is
re-elected in new elections, it will not deal with him. The
result of Bush’s speech is that the latest polls show nine out
of 10 Palestinians say they would vote for Arafat. And as long
as the Israelis are against Arafat, I’m with him - whatever
reservations I have about some of the decisions that have been
made. While the chairman is under siege, it would be wrong to
criticise him - that would only serve
Israel
and
America
. There is no question of changing the leadership in these
circumstances. If they try to expel or kill him - and anything
is possible in the era of Bush and Sharon - they will come to
regret it bitterly (The Guardian
July 2, 2002).
For
better or worse, Bush, involved in corruption in the scandals of
Enron, World Com, the former governor of Texas, (the state with
the highest rates of imprisonment, pollution, and capital
punishment), a poor speaker, an economic failure who should not
have been the winner in the stolen elections, was right about
the Palestinian political reality. As Edward Said wrote:
Only
a group of independent people well grounded in civil society,
untainted by collaboration or corruption, can possibly furnish
the outlines of the new legitimacy we need. We need a real
constitution, not a basic law toyed with by Arafat; we need
truly representative democracy that only Palestinians can
provide for themselves through a founding assembly. This is the
only positive step that can reverse the process of
dehumanisation that has infected so many sectors of the Arab
world. Otherwise we shall sink in our suffering and continue to
endure the awful tribulations of Israeli collective punishment,
which can only be stopped by a collective political independence
of which we are still very capable (Al-Ahram Weekly,
July 11, 2002).
To
the benefit of Mr. Arafat, Bush’s bankrupt and isolated vision
of removing him was declared a failure in the “quartet”
meeting in
Washington
on the
Middle East. All, the UN, EU, Russia
and Arab representatives, voiced their disagreement on the
sacking of Arafat.
A
democratic political stage is a crucial requisite for the
Palestinian people to fight diplomatic sabotage by the Israeli
government – instrumented by the Likud – and to bunch up
international support for their cause. Bush’s vision, more
crisis management than solution, sees that democracy will help
the situation: a classical Western colonizer pretext.
Nonetheless, a transparent and democratic leadership, whether
under Arafat or someone else, is a pivotal instrument for the
Palestinian cause in its gallantry and struggle.
The
author encourages your comments. Please e-mail him at
t.ghanem@islamonline.net