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Will Kashmir Spark an Indo-Pakistani Nuclear War?

Dr. Tahir Amin
Professor – Quaid-I-Azam University (Pakistan)

06/07/2002

Indian soldier overlooking the Line of Control

India and Pakistan came dangerously close to the brink of another war between late May and early June 2002 over the unresolved dispute of Kashmir. India and Pakistan have fought three wars over Kashmir, one in 1947-48, a second in 1965, and a third during the Kargil crisis of 1999. However, the fear of nuclear war was greatly heightened this time as the leaders of India and Pakistan freely engaged in the rhetoric of possible nuclear exchange at the peak of tensions between the two countries.

Strategic analysts feared that the outbreak of even a limited war could quickly spill over into a nuclear war, leading to catastrophic consequences for the south Asian sub-continent. It would have meant the loss of millions of lives, the destruction of major cities, and the awesome consequences of the effects of radiation over the long run. The saber-rattling between the two countries became so intense that the U.S. and other Western countries, expecting an imminent war, hastily evacuated their thousands of nationals from India and Pakistan. Although the war has temporarily been averted due to intense international pressure, tensions remain high along the India-Pakistan border, where the forces of the two countries remain deployed, and the exchange of fire along the Line of Control (LoC) continues to take place daily. It has yet to be seen whether this period is a pause in the continuing Indo-Pakistani tensions or the beginning of a serious mediation process by the U.S. and Western powers over the perennial issue of Kashmir. If they continue to overlook the necessity of resolving the Kashmir dispute, then there is a strong likelihood that India and Pakistan could stumble into a nuclear war.

There appears to be a strong parallel between the Kashmir and Palestinian disputes, as in both cases the Western powers are flouting the norms of justice and impartiality, favoring the aggressors, irrespective of the merits of the cases and without any regard to U.N. resolutions.

Indian nuclear-capable Agni missile

The events leading up to this situation in the sub-continent have to be understood in the context of the evolving international situation, in the wake of September 11 and the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan; twin tragedies which rocked the world with serious long-term ramifications. When Pakistan sided with the United States in its campaign against Afghanistan, India was greatly upset and frustrated, and sought to undermine that relationship. As the U.S. campaign began to wind down, India began to allege that Pakistan was involved in “cross-border terrorism” in Kashmir. The fact is that the Kashmiris have been struggling for their right of self-determination since 1947, when India and Pakistan became independent. The case of Kashmir’s self-determination has been pending before the U.N. ever since. Since the eruption of the recent Kashmiri intifada in 1989, in Indian-occupied Kashmir, more than 70,000 people have been martyred.

More than half a million Indian troops have been stationed in Indian-held Kashmir, which, according to both international and Indian human right groups, have been engaged in gruesome human-rights violations. Apparently, the Kashmiri freedom fighters conducted a military attack on the Indian Parliament on December 12 2001, which India blamed on Pakistan. India then began to deploy its troops along the Pakistani border. The Indian leadership apparently calculated that it could take advantage of the situation by portraying the self-determination movement as a terrorist organization and blaming Pakistan as the main sponsor of “cross-border” terrorism. They thought that it was an opportune time to crush the Kashmiri resistance through renewed military pressure, both in Kashmir and against Pakistan, under the cover of “the war against terrorism.”

On May 14, the Kashmiri freedom fighters launched an attack on the Indian military camp in Kashmir, in which several civilians were killed. India used this incident to create war hysteria against Pakistan. The Indian Prime Minister, Mr. Atal Behari Vajpayee, declared on May 22 that the time had come for “a decisive battle” with Pakistan. Indian strategic experts began to talk of conducting “a limited war” against Pakistan that would include a surgical strike on the so-called terrorist camps in the Azad Kashmir (Pakistan administered Kashmir) and possibly the occupation of a chunk of territory on the Pakistani side. Some Indian leaders even openly talked of a nuclear war against Pakistan. Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf declared that if India dared to cross the LoC, it would be taught a lesson which it would never forget. Pakistan also made it clear that it reserved the right to use its nuclear option if it was attacked by India. Mr. Munir Akram, a Pakistani official at the UN, declared that Pakistan might make use of its nuclear weapons if India attempted to take advantage of its conventional superiority. At the height of tensions, Pakistan also tested its ballistic missiles- Ghauri, Abdali and Ghaznavi—to send a message to India that it had the capability to deliver nuclear weapons. Pakistan also demonstrated its will and capability by shooting down an Israeli-manufactured Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAV), an Indian reconnaissance plane, within Pakistani airspace, which also revealed the extent of Indo-Israeli military cooperation against Pakistan. It must be noted that Israel has been involved in assisting the Indian government in crushing Kashmiri resistance.

Pakistani troops on the Kashmir border

The U.S. and the Western powers exercised intense diplomatic pressure to avert the war. Jack Straw, the British Foreign Secretary, Richard Armitage, the U.S. deputy Secretary of State and Donald Rumsfield, the U.S. Secretary of Defense visited India and Pakistan in their bid to stop the war. The U.S. and Western powers see a number of their interests at stake in the case of another India-Pakistan war. The outbreak of war would detract from the current U.S. campaign against Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan. The U.S. and Western powers would have to leave Afghanistan, abandoning their campaign before completion with serious implications for the newly installed pro-western Karzai regime. The U.S. would also have to quickly evacuate its troops from Pakistan for fear of getting embroiled in the Indo-Pakistani war. The U.S. war on terrorism would be put on hold for an indefinite period in such an eventuality.

However, the main thrust of the Western powers’ policy was to put pressure on Pakistan, rather than India. President Bush, Prime Minster Tony Blair, and President Putin, all made pointed statements appealing to Pakistan to stop what India would call “cross-border terrorism”. There was hardly any reference to the necessity of resolving the Kashmir dispute on a permanent basis. Pakistan may have received some behind–the-scenes assurance about possible mediation on the Kashmir dispute, but there is no concrete hint on how that would be done. It appears that as Pakistan’s significance fades away after the accomplishment of U.S. strategic objectives in Afghanistan, the pro-India tilt of U.S. policy in the region will become more obvious. Some analysts suspect that there exists a joint American-Indian–Israeli agenda for South Asia, which is going to hurt Pakistan in the long run. They point out that the Israelis, with American approval, recently installed an advanced electronic radar system (“Green Pine”) in Kashmir, to monitor the LoC along the India-Pakistan border. Israel has also sold the “Arrow” anti-ballistic missile system to India.

Indian soldier in Kashmir

It appears that the U.S. and other Western powers would merely like to de-escalate the tensions between India and Pakistan, without making any meaningful move towards the settlement of the Kashmir dispute. They may also force Pakistan to accept some highly unjust solution, such as the freezing of the border along the current LoC; a gross injustice to the Kashmiri people who have been struggling so long. Pakistan finds itself in a desperate situation politically. It badly needs support from both China and the Muslim countries towards seeking a permanent settlement of the dispute, keeping in view the right of the Kashmiri people to self-determination. China made a statement criticizing the Western countries’ policy of unilateral pressure on Pakistan, but the silence from the Muslim world at this critical hour has been deeply disturbing for Pakistan.

The war has been temporarily averted, both because of the deterrence relationship between the two countries, and the coercive diplomacy exercised by the Western powers, but it appears to be a lull before another storm in the absence of any positive move towards the peaceful settlement of the long-standing dispute over Kashmir. There remains the potential that the crisis in Kashmir may erupt, with or without warning, leading India and Pakistan into another war, this time with nuclear weapons.

The articles posted on this page reflect solely the opinions of the authors.

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