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Indian
cities rate as having among the lowest quality of life in the world (Urban Water
Supply and Sanitation sector review (UWSS) 1997). This is closely linked to the
poor water services and sanitation infrastructure. The Asian Development Bank
said as far back as 1993 that something as basic as the availability of water 24
hours a day has been unheard of in most Indian towns for decades.
A
large number of households depend on their own private tube wells and pumps for
their daily needs. Water tables are falling at dramatic rates and areas with
limited groundwater, or where heavy metal composition is high, impose large
costs on households, even those who are capable of pumping the groundwater.
Approximately
70 percent of urban Indian households depend on tap water, and a relatively
insignificant number on tankers (Urban Infrastructure Report (UIR) 2004). About
27 percent of households rely upon underground sources of water via wells, tube
wells, and hand pumps. Almost 59 percent of urban households share water with
their neighbors or the community receives its supply as a whole and what is
received commonly is shared. The residents or the co-operative housing
society office or the urban authority’s local division office ensures all
houses in the community get water in a fair way, sometimes by ensuring
supply during particular hours of the day when everybody fills up in their
individual tanks, which will keep them going till the following
morning, a critical issue in levying water charges. Nearly 61 percent have to
transport water from the main source. The UIR points out that not only is the
penetration of municipal water supply low, it is also quite poor in terms of
access.
Even
though a government study estimates that 85 percent of India’s urban
population have access to water supplies, the UWSS 1997 points to the fact that
consumers experience regular shortages on a daily basis. In the nation’s
capital, for example, only 20 percent of the population receives 24 hours water
supply, 60 percent gets it for up to 4-12 hours and the rest are connected for
less than 4 hours. An ADB study of 1993 indicated that the majority of consumers
would, in fact, be satisfied with a supply of less than 5-6 hours per day.
The
National Census 2001 puts India’s total population in March 2001 at 1027.02
million. The percentage of urban population to total population of the country
in 2001 stood at 27.8 percent. At the aggregate level, 21 percent of the urban
population is living in squatter settlements, where access to basic services is
extremely poor. Further surveys have revealed that 61 percent of the surface
water supply sources for cities of population greater than 0.1 million are
highly contaminated.
Unaccounted
For Water (UFW)
In
India, studies indicate that up to 50-60 percent of the water being treated and
pumped is “lost,” or unaccounted for. The traditional approach to meeting
increased water requirements in India has been augmenting capacity. Existing
assets, created at considerable cost, are allowed to deteriorate even as new
investments are made (Project Notes from the Indo-US Financial Institutions
Reform and Expansion Project—Debt Market Component FIRE(D), Funded by United
States Agency for International Development Note No. 23, November 2000).
Besides
the loss in economic terms, water leakages are a potential health hazard (for
example the outbreak of hepatitis in West Delhi in August 1999 that was
attributed to water contamination at a leaking point on the distribution
pipeline). Unaccounted for Water (UFW) is defined as the difference between the
water produced and supplied to the distribution system, including the water
sold. This difference may be attributable to physical losses due to leakages and
to administrative or non-physical losses due to unrecorded supply.
Physical
losses occur due to leakage or overflow of water in the system. Reasons for
leaks include neglect, poor quality of material or workmanship, age and
corrosion of the network, leaking joints, lack of suitable appurtenances (e.g.
pressure vessels, air valves), uneven ground settlement, and vehicular or other
pressure on the network. Evaporation, excessive washing (backwashing of
filters), leaks in mains, reservoirs and pipes also contribute to UFW.
Administrative
losses include municipal and illegal users, stand posts, charitable and
religious institutions, and other un-metered connections, theft, accounting
errors arising from faulty meters, poor records, and wrong reading. The ability
of most cities to identify sources of the losses is constrained because their
water distribution systems are not zoned and lack metering, and their network
maps and consumer databases are inadequate. Almost half the water supplied to
Indian cities is thus lost.
The
FIRE(D) project report recommends that UFW can be addressed by local officials
in many ways. The first step is to set up systems to isolate its specific
sources of water. This can be done by measuring water production and consumption
accurately, conducting a consumer census to identify legal, illegal, and
potential connections. This census must also categorize connections as
domestic/non-domestic.
Also,
a network census has to be undertaken by mapping the network and taking
inventory of pipes, valves, and other components that include their age,
material, diameter, and condition. Macro-metering of all major supply zones and
micro-metering of all consumers is also recommended. Surveys are required to
measure normal velocity and flow pressure in the distribution network; abnormal
flows could indicate leaks.
Some
water supply management recommendations of the FIRE(D) project include:
increasing consumer awareness, regulating supplies to consumers, preventive
maintenance, better quality control of infrastructure, training personnel,
addressing water theft, and controlling unrecorded supply to stand posts. Also
municipal uses, religious and charitable institutions, and others, regularizing
illegal connections, and installing and repairing meters are others.
It
is pointed out that Macao (a special administrative region of China in Eastern
Asia) decreased its UFW from 40 to 11 percent through targeted initiatives.
Singapore’s success in reducing UFW from 10.6 percent in 1989 to 6.2 percent
in 1995 is attributed primarily to the sustained efforts adopted by its public
utility.
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In
an Indian example, the Hyderabad Metropolitan Water Supply and Sewerage Board (HMWSSB),
with funding from the World Bank, repaired 474 of 615 leaks identified on 408
kilometers of transmission main, between 1996 and 1998. A study had also found
that 82 percent of domestic meters and 92 percent of bulk consumer meters were
not working. So, the Board installed 60,000 new domestic meters, 590
non-domestic and 126 bulk consumer meters between 1996 and 1998. In addition,
the Board announced a general amnesty in 1996 and regularized more than 6,000
illegal connections by levying a small penalty. As a result of these measures,
the Board estimated that UFW in the entire system has been reduced by
approximately 8 percent.
The
Kolhapur Municipal Corporation (KMC) undertook a pilot leak detection study in
1999. A stretch of 6.2 kilometers of the main trunk line was selected because of
its history of leaks and high number of service joints. Conducted with a local
academic institution, and using leak-sounding instruments, the study located 17
leaks. The KMC repaired the first leak in early 2000, but lacks funds to repair
the others.
To
deal with administrative losses, the corporation aimed to improve collection of
water charges. First, it identified major defaulters and sent notices to 461
customers who had not paid water bills since 1992. It also identified and
regularized, upon payment of a fine, 200 illegal connections. The corporation
periodically issues press releases to increase public awareness and support
these measures. (Information based on presentations at a workshop on Improved
Management Systems for Urban Water Supply and Sanitation Services in
Maharashtra, organized jointly by the Government of Maharashtra, Maharashtra
Jeevan Pradhikaran, and Indo-US FIRE project at Nashik in December 1998).
Intermittent
supply and poor maintenance affects mainly the household distributory mains.
About 82 percent of the leakage takes place in the household connections, the
rest through deliberate puncturing of the distributory mains. Irregular supplies
lead to considerable additional wastage through water hoarding and disposal. The
UIR 2004 recommends service contracts given in various localities at a pipe
width of 150 mm (to the power of 4). Contractors can then be made responsible
for maintenance of distributory pipes, attending to complaints, 24 hour water
supply, metering, billing, and collecting.
Uninterrupted
water supply would also reduce corrosion, leakage, contamination, and, metering
would reduce the demand for water and wastage at the household level, enabling
demand to be kept below the available supply. The UIR report recommends that
slum households be given one tap each, and the number of stand posts reduced.
Another feasible option would be to give households a choice of a high fixed
cost and low unit charge compared to a low fixed cost and a water charge that
increases with consumption slabs.
Is
Privatization the Answer?
“As
a general rule, they’re heavily overstaffed, provide poor quality, are
unwilling or unable to invest, with not enough money to serve everybody.”
John Briscoe, author of the World Bank’s Water Resource Sector Strategy, on
the public sector.
“…..the
private sector does have a valid role to play—not as the owner of water
resources but in providing the much-needed expertise, technology and financing
for the delivery of efficient water services.” Improving urban water supply
through partnership, Alfredo Pascual,
Asian Development Bank, in The Hindu, 21 Jan 2003.
“Private
sector participation may help in introducing innovative ideas, generating
financial resources and introducing corporate management and improving service
efficiency and accountability to users.” Water
Policy of the Government of India, April 1, 2002.
Privatization
of urban water supplies is viewed as an uncertain, even dangerous answer by
some. Activists against privatization demand greater participation, transparency
and dialogue before an unprepared country is faced with another harsh reality.
Part II>>>
**
Lalitha Sridhar is a New Delhi based development journalist and consulting editor. Your emails will be forwarded to her by contacting the editor at:
ScienceTech@islam-online.net
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