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Ataturkism Reincarnated?
By Omer bin Abdullah
25/06/2001
General Pervez Musharraf, by becoming the 10th President of Pakistan and fourth general to assume the highest civilian office, has launched himself into an unspecified spell to rule the country in the manner of his uniformed predecessors, declaring that he shall hold office until a successor "enters upon his office." And even after scheduled elections are eventually held, and a new prime minister assumes office, Musharraf will still have the authority to remain as head of state. Speculations are that Musharraf has become president for the next five years because he has frequently mentioned that such a period is necessary in order to turn around different sectors of the country.
Musharraf's ascendance heralds the return of a powerful presidency in which the prime minister is a mere figurehead. Indeed, the presidency will be vested with far more discretionary powers than those vested in the office by General Zia ul Haq during his rule.
Observers say that Musharraf may soon relinquish the charge of the Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee (CJCSC). He will, however, retain the offices of Chief Executive and Army Chief until October of next year.
An admirer of Ataturk, Musharraf, who spent his youth in Turkey, is swiftly constitutionalizing the National Security Council (NSC) - now with a new president to preside over it. The NSC, in its future shape, would comprise of the President (chairperson), the CJCSC, three services chiefs, and defense, foreign, finance, interior, and commerce ministers as members. Such a set up seems likely because the Provisional Constitutional Order (PCO) that the Supreme Court accepted as an instrument of necessity, allows Musharraf to amend the constitution.
Ironically, Musharraf was brought in to void chances of a permanent military role in the country's governance. Musharraf rose to the top military job in 1998 when Pakistan's powerful army chief, General Jehangir Karamat, resigned two days after calling for the army to be given a key role in the country's decision-making process.
Karamat's resignation was the first time an army chief of staff ever stepped down, and many observers took it as a sign that former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif's political power had become strong enough to secure the long-term future of civilian administration in the country. It was thought that Musharraf's promotion came precisely because he did not belong to the Punjabi (one of four major ethnicities in Pakistan) officer class, with Sharif believing that Musharraf's ethnic background (muhajir - a migrant [from Delhi] India, at time of Partition from India, 1947) would leave the general unable to build a power base. However, this only proved that Sharif was unaware of the country's military structure, where ethnic considerations do not figure too prominently.
Also, the creation of the NSC seems imminent because, ominously, while assuring to abide by the Supreme Court decision of holding elections by October 2002, Musharraf, like coup makers elsewhere, has declared, "I, in all sincerity, think I have a role to play and I have a job to do here..."
The speech Musharraf delivered before assuming the new mantle, he clearly told the religious leadership that he is serious in putting them under the lid. This is one of several demands he must satisfy to attain Western acceptance. Musharraf has already accepted the regime prescribed by international monetary institutions, and as a result, heaped more misery on the people in an attempt to pay for debts, accumulated and pilfered, by past leadership.
The common perception that the change has strengthened his role ahead of talks with Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee on July 14-16 is also true. However, it has also backed up his pledge that reforms he has begun will not be reversed with the return of the civilian government he promised by October 2002.
Musharraf had the issue of international, or rather, Western, acceptance on his mind the moment he walked in to take over from Sharif in 1999. The prominent display given to his dogs, sari-clad wife, his praise for Ataturk, and an announcement about being impartial to alcohol, were all attempts to tell the West that he was their man.
Although he has assured that, "There should be no doubt whatsoever that the elections to the national and provincial assemblies would be held as stipulated, under the Supreme Court verdict," in his changeover to the presidency, Musharraf dissolved the assemblies, and even the senate, clearing the way for a completely new set up.
Musharraf also assured that, "Taking over as president was required to provide guarantee[s] to stability and continuity of all reforms." It is clear that not only will he continue as president, but he will also enforce a regime securing that guarantee. The very fact that a ceremonial president has been substituted with an all-powerful head of government is an indication of the changes to come. Musharraf's action echoes that of General Zia-ul Haq, who took power in a coup in July 1977 and assumed an all-powerful presidency in September 1978.
In furthering himself as a dependable anchor of secular change, Musharraf has ensured the West that Pakistan would be free from Islamic activism. Moreover, by coinciding this change with the upcoming visit to India, he has indicated that he is approaching the meeting as a decisive and all-powerful decision-maker. This too calls for an analogy with his Ataturkian bend, where the Turkish secular-fascist wrote off the larger Turkish Empire to concentrate on what he saw was a secularized Turkey. Perhaps Musharraf may be preparing the nation and the world for such an Ataturkian move.
The fiscal curbs imposed on Pakistan ensure that Musharraf would be unlikely to start a war with India, while also serving as a curb on the influence of religious groups who want to turn Pakistan into an Islamic state. The criticism emanating from certain Western capitals over the democracy issue is not an unchangeable scenario, and positive vibes for the dictator will start rolling out as he settles with India, providing India greater stability - a situation that favors Western commercial interests there. The commercial factor is vital because it is corporations that dictate American policies.
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