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Iran at the Crossroads


Women & Politics in Iran

By Amal Hamada  
Translated by Imad Alayoubi

When President Khatami – contrary to all expectations – succeeded in wining the 1997 presidential elections, largely by dint of the efforts made by Iranian women and other social groups, many observers speculated that his era would celebrate women’s efforts and realize their legal, social and political rights. Some went as far as saying that forcing Iranian women to adhere to certain social practices like wearing the hijab (the Islamic dress code) would be something of the past and that unveiled women and girls would be able to walk in the streets of Iran without fear of punishment. This has not been the case: political developments during Khatami’s first and second terms in office dictated a reality that shifted the focus from issues relating to women to broader issues that deal with Iranian society on the whole, such as civil society, freedom of expression and the supremacy of the law. While some view this shift as a renouncement of the commitment made by women’s organizations, political movements and the intelligentsia to focus on issues that relate to a sector that has been subjected to injustices, i.e. women, others saw the shift as laying the ground for reforming the society as a whole, a reform that would undoubtedly result in addressing the grievances of women, who are an integral part of society.

There are many problems and challenges that face women worldwide. Generally, women bear the brunt of the negative aspects of the developmental process; they are the poorest in the society, the least educated and the most vulnerable to domestic and societal violence; losing the breadwinner in the family to war or armed conflict puts physical and emotional strains on women who find themselves in a situation where they have to fill various roles in the family. Iranian women also face further problems that are specific to Third World and Middle Eastern countries. Women in traditional Middle Eastern societies face challenges created by traditions and customs, which reject women’s presence in the public domain and discourage them from playing roles that do not relate to motherhood and child-rearing – a deviation from the teachings of Islam, which honors women and encourages their participation in religious, societal and political affairs.

Nonetheless, the situation of Iranian women seems to be somewhat different from that of women in Third World and Muslim countries. Contrary to the impression created by the media, Iranian women have a strong presence in society and play an active role in the daily life of Iranians – jokes about women’s influence in the Iranian home are popular.

According to statistics, more than 50 per cent of university students are women. There are 14 female members of parliament and hundreds of government and non-governmental women’s organizations. Women have a strong presence in all ministries that deal with family affairs, and the post of the president’s assistant for environmental affairs as well as that of his consultant on woman issues are held by women. And although there are no female judges in the Iranian judicial system, there are a number of women working as consultants at family courts. There are also a considerable number of female authors, translators, actors and producers. On the economic front, some of the women who were dismissed from several government departments after the Revolution have entered into the private sector and currently generate approximately 13 per cent of its income.

The following factors, which are unique to the Iranian society, have contributed to supporting the women’s movement and encouraging their participation in all spheres of Iranian life:

  • Shiite history and jurisprudence have highlighted women’s contribution to the Shiite mathhab (school of thought) and the active role they played in defending it. The role that Fatima Al-Zahra (may Allah be pleased with her) and Zainab (may Allah be pleased with her) played in defending Ali (may Allah be pleased with him)’s right to the caliphate when Yazid bin Mu`awiya seized power is entrenched in the Shiite mind. This religious view is supported by a wealth of intellectual works and was pioneered by Ali Shari`ati, who spearheaded a campaign to find what he termed “the self” and emphasized the role of Iranian women in defining, protecting and returning to “the self.”

  • Women have gained experience through their political involvement, which preceded the Revolution. Through his developmental program, the Shah led a campaign to modernize Iran , which provided women with certain privileges and resulted in an increase in the number of female students receiving a modern education. The opportunities that education presented to women contributed to strengthening their social movement. The Shah also enacted a set of laws known as the Family Laws, which gave women more rights with regards to marriage, divorce and the custody of children.

  • On the other hand, the revolutionary movement, which had to mobilize the masses through religious functions (Al-Husseiniyat and Al-Fatimiyat) and gatherings held to offer condolences to the family of the deceased, strengthened the women’s movement. All revolutionary groups (religious and non-religious) that were opposed to the Shah endeavored to win women’s support through urging them to engage in political activities against the Shah. According to some sources, the first martyr killed in the confrontation between the Shah’s regime and opposition groups was a woman.

  • Despite Imam Khomeini’s early views that seemed to discourage women’s presence in the public domain, the women’s movement in Iran was strengthened after the Revolution succeeded in deposing the Shah. The economic and social ramifications of the Iran-Iraq war forced women and the government to increase their visibility in public. The active participation of prominent women who supported the Revolution, such as Imam Khomeini’s daughter, the daughter of former president Rafsanjani and the wife of former prime minister Bahonar, in women’s organizations and gatherings has encouraged more women to become actively involved in politics – the result of this encouragement was clearly manifested in the role that Iranian women played in the 1997 presidential election. 

On the other hand, the following are some of the challenges that face the women’s movement in Iran

  • Trying economic conditions and their impact on women in particular. On a social level, this impact is manifested in the prevalence of drug-addiction, divorce, zawaj al-mut`ah (temporary marriage) and prostitution – problems that the government and media have taken interest in and endeavored to find solutions to.

  • The prevalence of traditional views held by some religious leaders, particularly in rural areas, regarding marriage at an early age, limitations on women’s role in society, and the restrictions – dictated by tradition – on divorce, the rights of divorced women and inheritance (which is determined in a way that contradicts the rules of Islamic jurisprudence).

  • Social issues, such as the issue of hijab and the enforcement of the dress code by law without giving women the right to chose. Despite the religious obligation to adhere to the Islamic dress code and the importance of hijab, it should be adhered to out of the women’s free will and not because it is enforced by the law. And although few Iranian officials have emphasized that the Iranian society is a conservative one and that if women were to choose, they would opt for the donning of the hijab, some observers noted that about 20 per cent of Iranian girls are disinclined to wear hijab.

The issue of social freedoms cannot be addressed separately from political and economic freedoms, and the issue of the hijab has been overemphasized by external parties to overshadow more important matters, which, if they came to light, could be detrimental to these parties. 

Facing the pros and cons of daily life, Iranian women are working to achieve a stronger voice and a greater involvement in public politics. They endeavor to seek justice within traditional institutes, and although the law cannot always protect them, they hope to create a new tradition – a tradition that does not transgress the parameters of the Shari `ah (Islamic law) but is compatible with a more moderate, balanced and unbiased interpretation of the Sharia`ah.

 
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