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British Muslims: Rethinking Concepts and Realities

By Dalia Yusuf**

02/10/2005

European Muslims continue to redefine themselves in their communities.

When I attended the Lincolnshire camp in the United Kingdom organized by the Islamic Society of Britain (ISB) 2003, I noticed the continuing developments among the British Muslims and how they try to cope with their hyphened identities, attempting to be confident Muslims and actively participating citizens. On the other hand, I learned more about the challenges facing British Muslims. Generally, the underachievement of European Muslims is caused by different boundaries that could be language, faith, culture, identity, tradition, economic standing, education, employment, and prejudice—the list goes on. In confronting these problems, many suggestions stressed the need for Europe to work on a long-term, coherent integration strategy, while European Muslims continue to redefine themselves in their communities, discussing choices.

Despite the dark side of the picture, I am among those who hold more optimistic views, believing that Islam can contribute to reflection on the place of spirituality in secularized societies. Muslims can be the natural allies of all those who challenge such societies on questions of meaning, ethics, and social justice.

The London bombings revealed our need to look deeply at the heart of the problems, putting the right questions and seeking the proper answers.

One cannot predict how the British Muslims will respond to new challenges after the bombings, especially when they are facing more security measures and expected racial profiling as well as after they have experienced unprecedentedly intense criticism.


Islam can contribute to reflection on the place of spirituality in secularized societies.


After the bombings, the British Muslim community has been asked not only to condemn what happened, but also to do some self-criticism and to put its house in order. Some of the recommended strategies for the Muslim community are working more on dialogue among themselves and engaging with all levels of government in a balanced, dynamic way.

On the other hand, criticizing the British multicultural model, describing it as one of the embedded reasons that terrorism is nourished, cannot interpret serious phenomena in the British society.

Blair announced on August 5 that the July attacks should be followed by new security measures. Although it may sound repetitive, seeking security through such measures and procedures cannot be the solution to what has happened. This might actually prevent Britain from seeking fresh, creative, modern answers to the problems that the bombings unveiled.

Cover of the book

The interesting book British Muslims Between Assimilation and Segregation: Historical, Legal and Social Realities (Mohammad Siddique Seddon, Dilwar Hussain, and Nadeem Malik) contributes greatly to the ongoing debate in terms of the formulation of new questions and valid viewpoints that open the door to further discussions.

Dr. Sophie Gilliat-Ray of the Department of Religious and Theological Studies, Cardiff University, and the publisher of the book affirmed “Seddon, Hussain and Malik stress the importance of Muslim engagement in British society, and draw upon their extensive knowledge of Islam, social sciences, and the law, to demonstrate both the challenges and the possibilities. … Their ideas deserve to form the basis for debate about the future of Islam in the UK. This book will be valuable to students of Islamic studies, sociology, race and ethnicity, politics and law, but also warrants a much wider general readership.”

I have carefully read this book, which addresses the issues from two different perspectives. First, the theoretical (macro-) one, discussing how we can arrive at intellectual and judicial frames of reference, which are clearer and better, adapted to Muslims in the British context. Second, the practical (micro-) perspective considering the different experiences and views on a daily life basis.

Mohammad Siddique Seddon

In this interview, conducted in July of 2005, Mohammad Siddique Seddon, a co-author of the book and a researcher in the Islamic Foundation UK, agreed to answer our questions and to not leave any stone unturned.

Read in This Intervie

The Young Generations: Expectation?

IOL: Given the fact that 52% of the Muslims in the UK are young (under the age of 25), it is said that the coming generations may be more capable of integration as they should command the language and the social skills. What do you think?

Seddon: The Muslim community in Britain is comparatively young to the host community, and the next twenty years or so will probably witness a greater presence of Muslims in all spheres of British society. As far as greater participation of British Muslims is concerned, for example, the Muslim vote will increase at every general election, ensuring that it cannot be ignored by politicians. The recent general election in Britain shows that Muslims are considering wider political issues, locally, nationally, and internationally. In addition, they are moving away from the traditional voting patterns of their migrant parents.

As for as the increasing acculturation and integration of British Muslims, this is a natural consequence of migration, in that the migrant community slowly merges culturally into the dominant community into which it has settled. However, global factors, 9/11, and the subsequent invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq mean that Muslim identity is still a feature of young British Muslims’ character regardless of their emerging “Britishness.”

After the London Bombings

IOL: But as the London bombers are from that young generation, do you expect any drastic changes in the future of the young British Muslims?


We failed to realize the depth of anger and frustration of a minority of young British Muslims.


Seddon: It seems that what we failed to do as a community was to realize the depth of anger and frustration of a minority of young British Muslims. Beyond this reality, of course, there are tiny minorities who have been drawn into the “global jihad” through the polemical views of extremist groups that have been allowed to propagate their ideas in Britain [e.g., Al-Muhajiroun and Hizb at-Tahrir]. Our failing was that we did not believe that their “jihadi” rhetoric would actually manifest into acts of terrorism and murder. If the police response is not measured and sensitive, which at the moment it is, I am afraid that the fanatics might be able to convince our disenfranchised youth that they were right all along and that Muslims are the target of indiscriminate anti-Muslim laws and policies.

IOL: How can the Muslims fulfill the governmental security demands and keep their own independent stances currently and in the future?

Seddon: We should resist outside attempts to “nationalize” us. Yes, we are British, but we are British Muslims in much the same way that other faith communities are British—the Christians, the Jews, the Sikhs, the Buddhists, etc. All faiths have a universal dimension to their character, and we as Muslims should not be afraid of maintaining our ummatic universal Muslim identity. Nor should our universal identity be seen in opposition to our national political identity. When there is a contention, for example, we might disagree with our government’s international polices; expressing our dissent through lawful protest should not be viewed as disloyalty but rather as our ability to engage in the democratic process. Many Christians oppose the invasion of Iraq but they are not seen as being disloyal to Britain.

IOL: The British Muslim community has been asked not only to condemn the London bombings but to do some kind of a crucial self-criticism and to put their house in order. To what extent do you agree?


Our universal identity should not be seen in opposition to our national political identity.


Seddon: The British Muslim community did not need to be asked to condemn the terrorist murders, they responded immediately and unanimously in the condemnations. However, these terrible events have been used to scapegoat the community by launching vicious attacks on its religious leaders, its institutions, and its beliefs to the extent that many secular liberals have claimed that Islamic theology rather than dangerous international government policies are to blame for the attacks. Yes, we do have problems in communication between first-generation migrants and their British-born children, but these are largely social and cultural problems rather than religious ones, and the community has been addressing these issues with little or no support from local or central government.

Islamophobia: A Multi-Level Phenomenon

IOL: You mentioned in your book that Islamophobia is an established phenomenon that is deeply rooted and has wide-reaching impact. What are the most important manifestations in the British society? Which is more dangerous against the Muslims, Islamophobia on the state or the individual level?


At the present only government legislation will offer protection against Islamophobia.


Seddon: Islamophobia is a new form of racism that focuses specifically on the cultures, beliefs, and practices of Muslims. A recent report for the European Union (EUMC report on Islamophobia) acknowledged that it is on the increase and that Muslim minorities need protection through laws against this religious hate crime. The reality of “religious racism” has been recognized against Jews and Sikhs here in the UK and racism against black and Asian communities has also been prohibited by law. Unfortunately for British Muslims, they are protected by law as blacks or Asians but they are unprotected as Muslims. This means they still suffer discrimination for their religious beliefs and practices. Until the government acknowledges Islamophobia as a crime and institutes new laws to protect Muslims, this form of discrimination will continue on both the individual and institutional levels. At the present only government legislation will offer protection against Islamophobia, and if they do not offer protection to Muslims against this crime, we really need to ask why.

IOL: How can the British Muslims face the disadvantages of lacking the legal recognition and being attacked under the Anti-terrorism, Crime and Security Act?

Seddon: At the moment we cannot and we have been told by Hazel Blears, a Home Office Minister, that we should expect to be targeted under these new draconian and undemocratic anti-terror laws in which, it would appear, all Muslims are suspects by virtue of their religion alone.

Ethnic and Religious Groups: Confusing Definitions

IOL: Islam is not a religion confined to one ethnic group, and I know that the British law protects other religious groups from any offensive action against them as ethnic groups (Jews, Sikhs, etc.). Do you think that this should be changed and how?

Seddon: British Muslims are very diverse ethnically and culturally, and we have Muslims present here from all over the world as well as a large convert community. This means that they cannot be defined as a religious group ethnically because the sub-division would be too many and too diverse. Therefore, specific legislation has to be introduced that recognizes the two million British Muslims as a religious entity in its own right.

IOL: You explained that there are diverse Muslim cultural expressions that can be seen around the world. However, this does not mean that there are many “Islams” but there are many expressions of the Muslim way of life. But still, many people do not see this interpretation as an answer for their question, “What is the pure Islam?” What do you think?

Seddon: The idea of “pure Islam,” I believe, is an abstraction and if by using it we mean the “Islam of the Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him) and his Companions,” then this, too, has a context. By this I mean the doctrines of Islam (`aqeedah) are enshrined in our religious texts, the Qur’an and the Sunnah; they are universal and unchangeable beliefs and rites. However, how they are particularly manifested in any historical era or society depends upon many social factors. Islam does manifest itself culturally—from one place and time to another—and, providing the practices and beliefs of a particular Muslim society do not contravene the teachings of the divine texts, then what they do, wear, eat, etc. (‘urf), is all permissible, in fact encouraged. The Qur’an tells us clearly,

(Oh Mankind! We have created you from a male and female and set you up as nations and tribes, so that you may recognize one another. Indeed, the noblest among you before God are those who have attained awareness (taqwah).) [Al-Hujurat 49:13]

This does not mean that there are many “Islams,” but it does mean that there are many different Muslims!

“European Islam”: Possible Renaissance?

IOL: Coming to the problematic term, identity, you emphasized that living in any society involves a constant negotiation of our different values and ideas, allegiances and loyalties. How can such understanding produce the so called “European Islam”? Is it possible to expect a renaissance from the West to cause an Islamic revival affecting the Muslims in the East?


For Muslims, we are not ethnically bound.


Seddon: This question is very well put and is a complex one to answer briefly, but I will endeavor to address some of the key issues it raises. Identity is a “problem” of the European Enlightenment, whereby man was “de-essentialized.” That is, his purpose of being was no longer seen as a part of the divine schema. The application of scientific rationalism and philosophical reasoning demanded that religion should be empirically tested by historical critical analysis. For many, their religion “failed” the rigors of rationalism and therefore the “reason” for man’s existence had to be redetermined. In addition to the effects of the Enlightenment, the Reformation, a theological and political break-up of Western Christendom, resulted in the formation of nation-states with distinct religions and races, e.g., “England and Anglicanism.” The advent of religious skepticism and denominational Christianity gave rise to the idea of “others,” religiously and racially—those who were “loyal” and could be identified as “us.” In this current understanding of “us” in Western Europe, shaped by exclusive religious and racial definitions, Muslims are seen as the outsiders, the “others.”

Fortunately for Muslims, we are not ethnically bound and therefore we can be or become French, English, German, etc., without having to abandon our religious beliefs or our “original identity” as the creation of Allah and the sons of Adam. As for a European Islam, why not? Provided we do not lose our universal Islamic identity in the process.

Between Nation-State and Ummatic Universalism

IOL: The Western European concept of identity through national and racial constructs is really a result of the creation of modern nation-states. As we are approaching the formulation of the new Europe and its constitution, can we expect any differences in defining the word identity?

Seddon: I believe Europe has to think beyond itself, that is, it must place itself in the new world in which we all now live—the “globalized world.” In this new era we have to question restrictive ideas concerning identity. This is where what I call ummatic universalism has a distinct advantage because Muslim identity is not defined to the here and now of the globalization phenomenon; it extends the exclusive space of the here and now back to the beginning of man’s creation through our prophetic father Adam and to the final hour when the universe and everything in it will be reclaimed by its owner, God. In this context identity has no fixed definition and the term Muslim is not an identity but, rather, a state of being. By this I mean a Muslim defines someone who is in peaceful submission to God.

IOL: You shed the light on the notion that cosmopolitan citizenship seeks to rectify this by giving power back to the individual and local communities. The theory builds on the ideal that as “citizens of the world” people should have a sense of citizenship that can travel with them and can be accepted by whichever community they decide to base themselves in. This ideal of a global community is compatible with the Islamic notion of a global Ummah. How can the Muslims contribute in the formulation of that new concept of citizenship?


The right to dissent religiously and politically is eroding.


Seddon: I think I have largely answered this question in a previous one, but for me the defining difference between “belonging to the Ummah” and “being a citizen of the world” is that citizenry implies the legitimacy and unreserved sovereignty of the state in which the individual and the state enter into an implicit and unwritten “social contract” in which rights of the citizen are granted by the state, providing loyalty and fidelity are unquestioned. For people who define themselves primarily through their religious beliefs, it is only God Who is the unreserved sovereign.

I am extremely wary of citizenry largely because I come from a society and culture that has a great history and tradition of religious and political dissent and this new form of nationality—citizenry or citizenship—appears to bind the individual in an unbalanced hegemonic power relationship with the state. I believe that states and their governments are merely representatives of the people and rule by mutual consent, ruled through power invested by the people. In the developing citizenship-style states and their governments, the implicit “social contract” is becoming less and less optional, meaning that the right to dissent religiously and politically is becoming eroded in a politic where the will of the people is becoming exclusively decided by the state and its apparatus. If this system is allowed to impose itself globally, I believe it will have dire consequences for freedom of humanity.

Boundaries Against Integration

IOL: You mentioned that the invisible boundary against integration is a wall with many bricks—bricks such as language, faith, culture, identity, tradition, economic standing, education, employment, prejudice—the list goes on. How can the Muslim communities face these obstacles, especially the underachievement in education and employment?


We should avoid becoming victims of our own self-exclusion.


Seddon: I believe that the best form of help is self-help, and tackling issues of social exclusion—whether in education, employment, culture, etc.—will require that Muslims create their own opportunities. This is already happening in education, for example. We have around 138 Muslim faith schools in Britain with 5 higher education institutes awarding British degrees. In the field of employment, Muslims are 3% above the national average of self-employed. Culturally, British Muslims are challenging the notions and definitions of what it means to be British as they maintain their traditional religious identity whilst negotiating new forms of Britishness.

We should avoid becoming victims of our own self-exclusion, and wherever we can make positive in-roads into the mainstream we are obliged, as Muslims, to do so. All of the above does not relinquish the responsibility of Western governments to respond to the needs of their Muslim citizens and to facilitate their full participation and equal place in the country to which they now belong.

IOL: What are the channels that should be taken by Muslims to evolve their understanding of “Islamic activism”? Is it possible for a Muslim in Europe to contribute in the different fields to live Islam rather than to talk to the people about it?


We must become the moral conscience and spiritual harbingers of our Western and European counterparts.


Seddon: We cannot offer the Western world anything materially nor can we compete with them militarily, scientifically, or politically. Instead, we have something that the West no longer has—that is religious fidelity and moral integrity, and it is here that we must remind the West (and the rest) where they are causing great spiritual harm and moral damage to themselves and to the rest of the world. We must become the moral conscience and spiritual harbingers of our Western and European counterparts, but this will not come about by maintaining a victim mentality.

Yes, we have suffered under the imperialism and colonialism of Western nation-states, but we cannot allow ourselves to be continually yoked by the past. Prolonging a victim status harbors a mindless hatred and provides an excuse for inactivity and perpetual sufferance. Islam is a religion of selfless service (khidmah), and while we may be unable to give economically, we can serve the communities in which we live by helping to make them a better place to live through our neighborliness and kindness. We also can raise moral objections to unethical developments in our societies, genetic crops, human cloning, pre-emptive military strikes, etc. We can only achieve this by seeking the common good through appealing to the moral and spiritual natural disposition (fitrah) of our brothers and sisters in humanity.

If Muslims want to be active, then let them be busy in good works (`amal salih). We can evoke a sense of purpose and meaning to life by reminding of all of our spiritual origins and of our final destination. This is the kind of “Islamic activism” I would wish to see.

IOL: You mentioned that most of the studies consider Islam incapable of rooting itself within British culture and civilization, that it is somehow linguistically “chained” to somewhere else. According to these fears, how can you evaluate the importation of Islamic thought from the East? I mean, what the European Muslims should take and leave?

Seddon: Again another very good question! I consider myself a traditionalist. Understanding Arabic is a prerequisite to understanding the Qur’an, and therefore I believe that maintaining, preserving, and developing our traditional `ulema is essential to our continued ideas about our religion and ourselves. However, like the traditional scholars of deen, I am aware that Muslims should respond to their new social and cultural environments.


The `ulema need to respond to a completely new set of social and cultural problems.


The situation of Muslims in the West is far removed from those living in the traditional Muslim spaces where society is dominated by Islam, historically, culturally, linguistically, socially, and politically. In traditional Muslim spaces, there is an unspoken engagement with Islam that permeates every aspect of life regardless of how religious individuals may or may not be. In this environment, traditional scholars understand the society in which they live and the society understands them. Where Muslims live as minorities, particularly where their presence is a relatively new one, the `ulema need to respond to a completely new set of social and cultural problems. This requires serious research and study instead of transposing ready-made solutions created under different circumstances. This is the challenge facing our respected `ulema today, and I believe, along with many others, that part of the solution lies in training traditional `ulema in traditional Islamic sciences—fiqh, tafseer, hadith, etc.—here in the West so that they can serve their communities in a much more informed way.

Overseas and Domestic Agenda

IOL: How can studying the important turning points such as The Satanic Verses and the Gulf War help in understanding the development of the social and political role of the British Muslims? How can you evaluate the different reactions of the Muslim organizations toward the overseas and the domestic issues varying from the coordination with the government to the coalition with the anti-globalization movement?

Seddon: For any society to move forward and progress, it has to learn from its history, from its mistakes, and from its successes. British Muslims are aware of how their image changed after both the Satanic Verses Affair and the first Gulf War, and they responded accordingly, organizing both locally and nationally to create a representative body that could enter into dialogue with the government. There has been some progress in this field, and the process of representation is still developing. Links and cooperation with the wider society through organizations like the anti-war coalition and the anti-globalization movement are also on the increase as Muslims here in the West extend their political spheres of interest.

IOL: Do you think that imaging Islam and Muslims becomes the role of literature and media after it has been the role of Orientalism? How do you consider the new waves of Orientalism in contemporary time?

Seddon: Addressing issues of Muslim representation in the media requires both active protection through government anti-Islamophobia legislation and continued monitoring and lobbying of the Muslim community in order to counter-balance the negative and prejudiced stereotypes. Again, things are slowly beginning to change as Muslims take up professional posts in the media, academia, and politics. At the moment, however, Muslims are the “perpetuated other” in some of the representations of the “neo-Orientalists” in the media and academia.

The Converted Muslims: A Double Challenge

IOL: The converts to Islam may face a double challenge in their societies. What do you think about that? How can they contribute more effectively in bridging the gaps?

Seddon: The double challenge of the convert is the acceptance of his or her former society and community in acknowledging the legitimacy of their new Muslim faith, and the acceptance of the established Muslim community of him or her as the genuine Muslim article. I might also answer your question with the question “when does one stop being a convert?” We never think of the Prophet’s community as “converts” but all of them were, without exception. Converts should not internalize the reserved acceptance by other “more qualified” Muslims. Instead they should do what the Prophet’s community did—learn their deen to the best of the knowledge and ability and then, wherever possible, teach it. It is through this process that one qualifies oneself as the genuine article. On another level, I believe that the Muslim convert communities of Europe are important cultural bridge builders between both communities, and in this sense they have an almost unique role to play. This is particularly true when it comes to expressing Islam in a Western cultural context, if you like, in the process of the indigenization of Islam.

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**Dalia Yusuf is IslamOnline.net’s European Muslims specialist. She is a graduate of English and Comparative Literature from Cairo University, where she also received her postgraduate diploma in journalism. You can reach her at Bridge@islam-online.net.

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