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“A Lunar Landscape”: Jenin Refugee Camp, April 2002
May
9, 2005
Isabelle
Humphries entered the camp in the days following the Israeli withdrawal
from the Hawashin camp. This an edited version of her eyewitness account
of the destruction in Jenin camp and the wider effects in the West Bank
of Israel’s so-called Operation Defensive Shield.
Wandering
in and out of what remains, unable to escape the smell of rotting
corpses, many of the Western journalists and humanitarian workers began
to ask why the West is failing to call this a war crime. The residents
knew perfectly well. The previous day those who still had access to
televisions had heard Bush call Sharon a “man of peace.”
The
devastation that is Jenin defies description.
As
one turns the corner of a broken street, the camp suddenly opens up into
a vast gaping landscape, quite unidentifiable as a residential
neighborhood. It is impossible for a non-resident to count the number of
houses destroyed, as many of structures are simply no longer there. “I
think my house was here,” said a resident in her 50s. She couldn’t
be sure because the debris had been swept into a pile with several other
houses and there were simply great expanses of dust where the houses had
been.
As one turns the corner of a broken street, the camp suddenly opens into a vast gaping landscape, quite unidentifiable as a residential neighborhood. |
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This
woman was lucky enough not to be inside her house at the time. Ahmad,
26, is a teacher who had already had one brother and two cousins killed
earlier in the Intifada. Another brother, 38-year-old Jamal, had been
paralyzed and housebound since childhood. Ahmad, like all other men who
were able, had fled the camp before the bulldozers arrived. Jamal
remained at home with his mother. As the bulldozer arrived she went
outside her house and begged with the Israeli soldiers to allow her and
other female neighbors to carry her son out. The soldiers physically
prevented her from returning inside the house, and so she had to stand
and listen to his screams as the house was bulldozed on top of him. For
the two days I was in the camp, Ahmad and his elderly mother and father
could be found sitting by the crater that was their house. Initial
digging did not uncover the body. But they could smell it.
Muhammad
Fayed’s house is still standing. But a visit to his house is a good
case study in the manner in which Israel conducted its own war on
terrorism. Every single item in his house is destroyed. During the
attack, soldiers occupied Muhammad’s house, but they obviously did not
feel the need to use inside doors. In many rooms a large hole has been
smashed through the inside wall. The glass on computer and television
screens has been shattered. Sofas were turned upside down and Hebrew
graffiti covered the walls. Empty boxes of Israeli army food provisions
lie strewn across the floor.
Muhammad’s
77-year-old father is still in the hospital after being shot during the
invasion. One brother was killed earlier in the Intifada, on September
11. His portrait on the wall was ripped off. Another brother is being
held in custody. This is an average family story in Jenin.
Eighteen
members of the Damaj family cowered on the ground floor of their house
as it was hit by missiles from Israeli helicopters. An entire side wall
is destroyed, making it look like a burned-out doll house. All upstairs
rooms caught fire, leaving all their possessions beyond recovery.
“This is the work of the ‘man of peace,’” they said in reference
to Bush’s comment. This was a mantra repeated by nearly every person I
spoke to.
Israeli
tanks can still be seen on the hill above the camp, and any refugees who
try to return from the surrounding villages in which they were hiding
are targeted with live ammunition. Although no shooting was taking place
inside the camp, the danger of stumbling on unexploded ordinance was
high. UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency) announced that it
was launching a campaign to warn residents of the dangers of such
explosions, and also of the collapse of houses as people sift through
the rubble. A house collapsed on a small boy leaving him trapped for
three hours; several people disturbed explosives and were injured as
they searched their houses. A Palestinian doctor from the Galilee,
holding an Israeli passport, managed to get into the camp with a
delegation to assist, only to find himself one of the injured when he
accidentally set off a tank shell.
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Graffiti
on the walls of the destroyed camp, days after the destruction
took place
©
Isabelle Humphries
Click
to enlarge photo
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“We’ve
brought over some Swiss, French, and other experts in explosives and
search and rescue, and have around 40 volunteers to go with them to talk
about things such as how not to open doors and gates and to avoid
approaching debris,” an UNRWA spokesman said. Israel released a
statement announcing that such accidents were the reason that they had
kept the area closed for so long—contradicting humanitarian and media
claims that they were actually covering up the evidence.
Israel
is coming under vast criticism from a variety of international bodies
and organizations. “This is one of the worst scenes of devastation I
have ever witnessed. It is almost impossible to conceive that what was
once a town is now a lunar landscape,” said Amnesty International’s
Javier Zuniga on April 17 after a visit to the camp. The international
human rights organization called for immediate and unimpeded access for
humanitarian assistance wherever it is needed. “If this was an
earthquake the international community would be asked for and give
urgent help. It is shocking that the authorities have not asked for help
and that the international community is not offering it.”
“The wounded never got to us,” replied a doctor from Jenin’s Shifa Hospital. |
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“Have
you got enough blood and oxygen here at the hospital?” asked an
American human rights worker who had come to document the crimes that
occurred in Jenin. “Of course,” replied a doctor from Jenin’s
Shifa Hospital, “the wounded never got to us.”
Ziad,
an ambulance driver and Jenin resident who lost his home, described how
he had to wait for days outside the camp knowing that people were
bleeding to death due to lack of medical attention. A 13-year-old girl
described how the bodies of six men lay on the concrete outside her
house for over a week.
“Fact-Finding”
Committee?
Criticism
has been unusually strong from international human rights bodies such as
Amnesty—who often fall on the cautious side in their criticism.
However the criticism that has really irked Israel has come from an
unusual source: UN Middle East envoy Terje Rød-Larsen, one of the
architects of the Oslo Accords. The Israeli cabinet is considering
declaring him a persona non-grata in Israel after he announced that it
was “morally repugnant” that Israel had refused to allow
humanitarian workers into the camp for 11 days after the fighting ended.
Sharon forbade any of his cabinet from speaking with Rød-Larsen,
while other members of his cabinet tried to push for the deportation of
the UN envoy. Peres tried to smooth the waters saying that his old
friend was still a “friend of Israel.”
Rød-Larsen
is not the only UN figure to be blacklisted by Israel. The United
Nations has announced that it will be conducting a fact-finding mission
into what happened in Jenin, but after US and Israeli threats of veto,
has not classified this as an “investigation.”
Concern
among Palestinians and human rights groups is that, so long as this is
described as a “humanitarian disaster” rather than a deliberately
perpetrated war crime or crime against humanity, the full responsibility
of Israel will not be highlighted.
On
April 22, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan appointed a three-member
committee, headed by former Finnish president Martti Ahtisaari and
including Cornelio Sommaruge, former president of the International
Committee for the Red Cross; and Sadako Ogata, the former UN high
commissioner for refugees. Israel had not only said it wouldn’t
participate if Rød-Larsen was on the fact-finding team, but also
demanded that UN human rights chief Mary Robinson and Peter Hansen, the
head of the UN relief works agency for Palestinian refugees, be
excluded. Unsurprisingly Palestinians and humanitarian workers are
highly skeptical of the potential of justice emerging from such a
mission.
Israel
has continued to insist that it has nothing to hide, but is not as yet
doing a very good PR job. In response to Rød-Larsen’s comments,
Justice Minister Meir Sheetrit suggested that if Rød-Larsen was
that concerned, he should take the Palestinians back with him to Norway.
Justice Minister Meir Sheetrit suggested jokingly that if Terje Rød-Larsen was that concerned, he should take the Palestinians back with him to Norway. |
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Former
Israeli prime minister Benyamin Netanyahu, speaking from the United
States, said that Israel should not cooperate with the United Nations
over the fact-finding committee: “The fact that the UN didn’t ask
for any inquiry after dozens of massacres in which hundreds of Israeli
citizens were murdered is clear proof that this investigation is
one-sided, illegitimate and biased against Israel.”
To
date, however, Israel is still claiming officially that they will
cooperate. “Israel has nothing to hide in Jenin,” said Ben-Eliezer.
(In the end Israel would not allow any form of investigation and neither
the UN or the international community pursued the matter.)
The
Rest of the West Bank
The
scale of the devastation was the largest seen so far in this Intifada,
but the actions are by no means limited to Jenin. A photographer with an
Italian news agency told the Cairo Times that the devastation and
the human rights abuses that occurred in the old city of Nablus were
identical, and he had the photos to prove it. The soap factory that
Israel claims was a bomb-making laboratory has been blown to pieces,
with 20 bodies believed to be still under the rubble.
While
the withdrawal that Sharon has declared still includes curfews and
house-to-house searches, the residents of Ramallah have recently had
slightly more freedom to inspect the damage inflicted to their city and
businesses. “All our computers are destroyed,” an NGO worker with
the Health, Development, Information and Policy Institute (HDIP)
reported. “We will have to start from the beginning again.” Concerns
over where the money will come from are paramount.
Meanwhile
in Bethlehem, the siege at the Church of the Nativity continues as of
press time. “Despite press reports that the Israeli army is
withdrawing from Bethlehem, apart from the Manger Square, I can confirm
that there is no such movement,” British international Georgina Reeves
(one of the hundreds of foreign activists who have come to Palestine in
the last months to serve as observers) reported on April 22. “This
morning, I witnessed a group of approximately 10 soldiers stopping an
ambulance outside my office and searching it at gunpoint. There have
been house-to-house searches conducted in my neighborhood.” As for
Arafat’s compound in Ramallah, Israel says it will continue the siege
until three people are handed over. Israel says they are suspects in the
assassination of extreme right-wing Tourism Minister Rehavam Ze’evi.
“Of course we go on; what else do we do?” |
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It’s
impossible to estimate how many Palestinians are currently being
detained. The chaos in Jenin means that it is impossible to know who is
dead and who has been taken to detention camps. Many of the detainees
from Jenin are being held just a few kilometers away in the Megiddo camp
(the site of the biblical Armageddon). Israeli human rights organization
B’Tselem has reported that hundreds of Palestinians have been
illegally transferred from a camp outside Ramallah to the reopened
Ketziot camp in the Negev desert.
Ketziot
is known as Ansar III, named after the jails run by the Israelis in the
south of Lebanon and Gaza. The camp was used during the last Intifada
but had been closed for the past six years. The Public Committee Against
Torture in Israel (PCATI) believes that Israel is violating the Fourth
Geneva Convention in transferring Palestinians to this tented camp, as
the conditions fall below UN detention standards. It has filed a
petition to have the camp closed.
After?
In
his 40s, Murshad Abu Khair is a resident of Jenin town, and he was on
his first visit to the camp since the curfew had been lifted. “Do you
think this is going to break people’s will to resist now?”
Jamal
escaped the camp but his brother is in detention. “Of course we go on;
what else do we do?”
Umm
Ramzi felt she was one of the “lucky” ones. She has one son and
brother in prison, a son-in-law killed months previously, and she is one
of the estimated 4,000 residents now left homeless. However, she has a
roof over her head, as her oldest son’s house was not destroyed.
Speaking of how she lost her home in Haifa as a child, she was coping
with being made a refugee once again.
Hopes
that Jenin will make the international community aid the Palestinian
struggle against occupation are probably optimistic. Expressions of
shock, horror, and revulsion are obviously important for global
awareness, but it seems that the most that the West can offer is to try
and coax Sharon into peace talks. Though after the failure of Oslo, many
wonder what the point of talking is.
To
the Palestinians of Jenin and elsewhere, a complete Israeli withdrawal,
of both military and settlers, is what is needed to end the violence. In
the meantime the Palestinians will continue with their struggle in
anyway that they can. So long as the international community fails to
recognize their right to resist, Israel will be able to continue to
label Palestinians as terrorists. And Jenin will happen again and again.
Resources:
Readings:
“Fact
Finding is Not Enough: Can the West Ignore the Cry of Jenin?”
Several
articles at www.nickpretzlik.co.uk
Human
Rights Watch Report
Baroud,
Ramzy (ed.), Searching Jenin: Eyewitness Accounts of the Israeli
Invasion, (Seattle: Cune Press, 2003).
Films:
Jenin,
Jenin—Director: Muhammad Bakri
Arna’s
Children—Director: Juliano Mer Khamis
External
links last accessed January 18, 2005.
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