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Palestinians
Living in Land Occupied in 1967
May
9, 2005
In
1967, Israel occupied vast areas of new land, which can be divided into
five significant blocks. This folder tells the story of the
Palestinians, but it is important to note that between 1967 and the end
of the 1970s, the Egyptian Bedouin of the Sinai desert were living under
Israeli control, and to this day, the Syrians of the Golan Heights
remain under Israeli occupation.
While
negotiations over the Sinai in the past, and the status of the Golan in
the present, do have an impact on international relations, which has an
effect on the Palestinians, this folder focuses on Israeli-occupied
Palestinian land. The new land taken in 1967 was the Gaza Strip to the
south, bordering with Egypt, the West Bank, and the remainder of
Jerusalem, which had become known as East Jerusalem.
While
international law and UN resolution 242 clearly state that Israel should
return to its 1967 borders—which would leave the Gaza Strip and the
West Bank to become a Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its
capital—after almost 40 years, this is still not the case.
Today,
the land of the 1967 occupied Palestinian territories is more divided
than ever, with the 30-km- (17-mi.-) long Gaza Strip divided into three
or four parts, and the West Bank into numerous town and village prisons
(see case studies). With the brutal military closure, Palestinians of
the 1967 areas are facing the fifth year of UN-defined crisis.
Unemployment has increased to 34.3 percent and is rising. Poverty
directly affects 47 percent of people. Access to adequate health care is
denied by checkpoints and by poverty. Without a proper state to address
the issues, infrastructure, from public health to education, is
weakened.
The
United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UN
OCHA) records over 700 active checkpoints, roadblocks, and other forms
of restrictions preventing internal movement inside the West Bank and
Gaza. This internal closure prevents people traveling to work, school,
university, hospitals, clinics, and even basic coordination of the
Palestinian Authority. While Israel holds the PA responsible for the
care and control of the Palestinian people, it physically prevents PA
employees and basic services from reaching the people.
Israel’s
plan for unilateral disengagement from Gaza has dominated the political
debate during 2004. Disengagement has, so far, offered no hope for
improvement in the humanitarian situation: the level of violence and
restrictions on access to the Gaza Strip has intensified considerably
since February 2004. The plan is not scheduled for implementation until
the end of 2005. Even if implemented, disengagement, as agreed by the
Israeli cabinet, will have very little impact on Palestinian economic
prospects: the World Bank expects poverty to rise from 47% to 56% by the
end of 2006 if the disengagement proceeds as envisaged. The lifting of
closures is more the precondition for growth and improvement.
Excerpt
from the launch document of the Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP), the
Humanitarian Appeal 2005 for the Occupied Palestinian Territory, run by
UN agencies and other international organizations
Resources:
External
links last accessed January 18, 2005.
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