Kuwait
does not border Palestine, but many Palestinians went to Kuwait to find
work following the Nakba. As some of the most highly educated people in
the Arab world, Palestinians were a clear asset to underdeveloped
Kuwait, which was in need of teachers, laborers, and civil servants.
Thus, living in Kuwait was an attractive offer for Palestinians. While
it was hard to acquire citizenship, citizenship was not necessary for
long-term work and residency. The numbers of Palestinian children were
restricted within the Kuwaiti education system, but Palestinians were
allowed to open their own schools.
Following
the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, the number of
Palestinian residents in Kuwait soared. Unlike the early stages of
economic migration, men came accompanied by their families. By 1970,
there were an estimated 150,000 Palestinians in Kuwait, and by 1975, the
number of Palestinians had reached 200,000.
Iraqi
Occupation
In
1990, it was estimated that around 350,000–400,000 Palestinians were
residing in Kuwait. |
|
The
disaster for the Palestinians living in Kuwait came with the Iraqi
invasion in August 1990. The Palestinian leadership, alongside King
Hussein of Jordan, supported the Iraqis, and even some Palestinian
fighters were among those who entered with the occupying forces.
Although not all Palestinians in Kuwait supported the occupation, the
Kuwaitis saw them as traitors. Some of the Palestinians fighters (from
outside) were even controlling roadblocks, making them a direct face of
occupation for Kuwaitis.
In
1990, it was estimated that around 350,000–400,000 Palestinians were
residing in Kuwait. This is only an estimate, as no official census has
been taken of Palestinians since 1975. During the occupation, almost
200,000 Palestinians fled Kuwait (Al-Ghabra 1995, Lesch 1991). In
addition to those who fled, 30,000 Palestinian residents who had been
outside the country during the summer were unable to return (Lesch
1991).
Kuwait
Liberated but Nightmare for Palestinians Continues
Following
Kuwait’s liberation, non-Kuwaitis, particularly Palestinians, were
subject to many legal restrictions, as well as attacks by authorities
and local people (see Lesch 1991). It is impossible to estimate the
exact numbers of those killed or detained, but Palestinian sources
claimed that around 6,000 were detained (Lesch 1991).
According
to Middle East Watch, by July 1991, only about 100,000 Palestinians
remained. Of this group, around 70,000 had Jordanian citizenship and
another 30,000 were stateless. Stateless means that they may have
Egyptian, Syrian, or Lebanese travel documents, but no citizenship or
automatic residency rights in these countries, or, of course, Kuwait or
occupied Palestine. Of the stateless refugees, the largest numbers were
holding Egyptian travel documents and did not have Israeli-issued ID
cards, which would allow them to return to Gaza.
Following
Kuwait’s liberation, Palestinians were subject to many legal
restrictions. |
|
By
the end of September 1991, the numbers remaining had fallen still
further to around 50,000–80,000. By February 1992, only
30,000–40,000 remained, around half of whom had Egyptian travel
documents, many simply unable to return to their families in the Gaza
Strip (Shaml). Later in the 1990s, they were under strong pressure to
leave, yet no country would accept them.
The
Palestinian community had 40-year-old roots in Kuwait, with many of the
younger generations born there, knowing no other life. Their desire to
return to Palestine and their support of relatives in the occupied
territories continued, but in the medium term, they were settled in
Kuwait.
However,
the Kuwaiti government’s concern over the presence of such a large
Palestinian community in their midst did not begin with the Iraqi
occupation, but had much earlier origins. Academic Shafeeq Al-Ghabra
claims that the crisis began following the 1973 Arab-Israeli war and the
growing realization that the return for Palestinians might not become
reality. As a non-UNWRA country, Kuwait was given much less attention as
part of a settlement process than UNWRA countries such as Jordan.
The
government was afraid of the security implications of the growing
strength of the Palestinian resistance in the early 1970s and the events
that occurred in Lebanon and Jordan. Finally, Kuwait was in a very
different socio-economic position than it had been in the early 1950s,
and the demand from Kuwaiti citizens for professional employment rapidly
increased to cover jobs traditionally held by Palestinians.
Where
Did They Go?
Iraq:
Some 2,000 Palestinians fled to Iraq,
mostly holders of Egyptian travel documents (Middle East Watch 1991).
However, the situation in Iraq is now very different and many of these
people will have become displaced yet again (see Iraq).
Jordan:
360,000 Palestinians, including those from Kuwait, Iraq, Saudi Arabia,
and other Gulf states, fled to Jordan during the upheaval of the 1991
Gulf crisis. The large majority of this group held legal Jordanian
papers; their return from the Gulf added another 10 percent to the
population (Shaml).Over 300,000 remained in Jordan, but owing to the
wartime crisis, as with all these figures, it is difficult to be
precise. About 30,000–40,000 who held valid Israeli-issued documents
went back to the West Bank, and a very small number were able to
immigrate to Canada, Australia, or other countries.
West
Bank and Gaza: Only about
30,000–40,000 Palestinians were able to return to the occupied
territories—the few who had valid documentation.
Syria
and Lebanon: Small numbers of
Palestinians displaced from Kuwait fled to Syria and Lebanon, mostly
those who already held legal documents to enter.
Conclusion:
Permanent Insecurity
The
crisis that faced, and continues to face, Palestinians in Kuwait
highlights the ongoing displacement of the Palestinian people. A nation
without a state, ordinary refugees are not only subject to the
difficulties of Israeli restrictions and denial of their rights, but
also the wider Arab and international community who do not want to be
burdened with the responsibility of the catastrophe that the Israelis
have caused. Until they have their own independent state, which allows
them to travel freely and to return, Palestinians will always remain
among the most vulnerable groups in societies abroad, irrespective of
what financial resources or residency security they previously believed
that they had.
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