 |
 |
|
 |
|
 |
|
|
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |
The people of the land with Jerusalem as its heart, the crossroads between the Arab East and North Africa, have long considered themselves a collective entity (See Land section). While detractors argue that Palestinians are part of one larger Arab or greater Syrian nation, feeling no attachment to the land which the British carved out as Mandate Palestine, the evidence is strongly to the contrary. What had been the districts of Jerusalem, Akka, and Nablus under the Ottomans, constituted an area, which while having affiliations with people beyond these areas, was in some sense geographically bordered by the Jordan River to the east, the Red Sea and the Sinai to the south, and ended with the provinces of Beirut and Damascus to the north. A clearly Palestinian people, multi-faith Arabs identifying with the Holy Land, existed before the state of Israel, and before British Mandate Palestine. The Collapse of the Ottoman Empire: Outmaneuvered by Western Powers After the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Arab peoples across the Middle East had hoped for autonomy from outside powers. But as is now known, the Sykes-Picot Agreement undermined promises made under the so-called Hussein-MacMahon Correspondence, and the Middle East was shared out between the British and the French. While the Syrians and Lebanese were living under French occupation, the Palestinians had another colonial concern, aside from the British occupiers, to struggle against (See Land Under the British Mandate). A Dual Struggle Against British Rulers and Zionist Ambitions
At the end of the nineteenth century, a movement emerged amongst European Jews which came to be known as Zionism; the promotion of a state belonging to Jews from any part of the world. While many people today see this movement as either a result of the desperate situation following the killing of millions of Jews in the Nazi Holocaust, or as originating from Jewish religious orthodoxy, neither is, in fact, the case. The original Zionists were secular Jews who saw the establishment of a Jewish state as a solution to political problems and discrimination against European Jews. At first, they were not even set on the land of Palestine itself; places in Africa and South America were mentioned as possibilities. It was only later when it was seen that the British were possible allies, and that the scheme could win mass support from religious Jewry, was the land of Palestine, and the religious implications, fully embraced. Another myth widely accepted is that there is some sort of inherent Arab hatred of Jews. Zionist literature will point to cases in the years before the Nakba when Palestinian Muslims and Christians attacked and killed indigenous Jewish communities as well as new settlers. While not taking away responsibility from individual perpetrators, it must be noted that Jewish people had always been an indigenous part of the Palestinian population, living peacefully alongside Christians and Muslims. Intra-communal religious violence only began when people felt under threat from external powers. The terms Arab and Jew are not separate—there are Arab Jews and European Jews—being Jewish is a religious identity, just as being Christian or Muslim is. Although not central to the story of the struggle of the Palestinians, it is significant to note that Arab Jews from Morocco, Iraq, and Egypt, among other countries, systematically complain of discrimination by European Jews (Askenazim) in the modern Israeli state. This fact points to an inherent racism in Zionism, supporting the model that Zionism is a form of European colonialism in a similar frame to occupation across the world. In 1917, the British Balfour Declaration, promising a homeland for the Jews in Palestine, filled Palestinians with foreboding. Both Zionists and Palestinians recognized that the British would be central to the realization of their ambitions, and for this, the white Western Zionists were way ahead in the “game,” as their leaders were European and were not seen as the Arab “Other.” Leading Palestinians tried to lobby the British in both Jerusalem and London. Between 1919 and 1922 three Palestinian National Congresses were held, electing a Palestinian Executive Committee. In 1922, the British issued a White Paper (statement of policy) trying to pacify growing Arab concern. It was emphasized that a Jewish homeland would be within Palestine, not that the whole of the country was destined to become Jewish, but Palestinians were not convinced by British assertions. Mass immigration of Zionists continued to increase the fears of the indigenous Arab peoples. Between 1919 and 1928, around 60 new Zionist settlements were established. In 1929, the Jewish Agency was officially established. Tensions continued to rise under the British Mandate. In August 1925, violent clashes erupted at the Haram Al Sharif (Noble Sanctuary) in the Old City of Jerusalem, following a protest by right-wing militant Zionist secularists. This was perceived by the Palestinians as a direct threat on the holy places, and the demonstration was met with violent protests. 133 Jews were killed and more wounded. The British colonial response only served to aggravate the situation. The British continued to promise both sides a place in the Palestine of the future, but neither was reassured. Attempting to Struggle Through Political Forums
In 1933, Hajj Amin al-Husseini was appointed mufti of Jerusalem, and came under increasing pressure from Palestinians to stand up to the Zionist agenda. In the 1930s, Zionist inspired Jewish immigration to Palestine soared. Owing to the deterioration of living standards and dangers for Jews in Europe, and the fact that the UK and US did not want to take responsibility in the West, immigration was at this stage allowed to continue. In the early 1930s, five new Palestinian political parties were formed, and it became increasingly accepted by the population that only an armed rebellion could succeed in bringing a true independence for the indigenous people in Palestine. In 1935 the first celebrated Palestinian guerilla operation was carried out, led by a Haifa based Muslim preacher (of Syrian origin), Izz al-Din al-Qassem. On his death in action he became an instant national martyr and hero. The Arab Revolt 1936–1939 The revolt of the 1930s is central to Palestinian understanding and pride in their struggle. This was a revolt essentially led by the people of rural areas, joining a struggle which political leaders from the large urban centers such as Jerusalem and Jaffa had so far failed to win. The Fedayeen of later generations looked to this revolt for inspiration, even though of course it failed to rid them of Zionist and British control. The revolt is seen by Palestinians as symbolic of the fact that they were never prepared to lose their land “lying down.” The rural aspect of the struggle is also considered important in that it emphasizes the fact that the whole population was involved in the struggle for Palestine. Those who died in this revolt are of course seen as martyrs for their land. (See Swedenburg, 1995 for detailed information on this period of struggle).
In April 1936, all five Palestinian political parties united under Husseini to become the Arab Higher Committee. National committees were formed in towns and larger villages. By early May, the Palestinians were in open armed rebellion, launching calls for all to partake in civil disobedience and a general strike to protest British pro-Zionist policies. Khalidi refers to three phases of struggle as follows (Khalidi, 1984): 1. May 1936–July 1937 In this period, the strike was strictly observed and there was an economic shutdown of the whole Palestinian economy. Villagers took up arms in rural areas and engaged in guerilla warfare. The British rushed in reinforcements in response, and used military force to try and quell rebellion. On the political and diplomatic level, the Peel Commission was launched to “establish the causes” of the rebellion. 2. July 1937–Autumn 1938 In July 1937, the Peel Commission report was published, unsurprisingly concluding that the disturbances were a result of Palestinian desire for independence and fear of the establishment of a Jewish national home. Peel recommended partition, establishing a Jewish state, and a Palestinian state to be incorporated into Trans-Jordan (with a few areas to remain under Mandate control). The Palestinians opposed the idea of partition, and would not accept any Zionist territorial claims in Palestine. It is important to note for those not familiar with the history, that this was not opposition to Jews living in Palestine as they always had done, but opposition to Zionist control of the land. Under the Peel suggestion of partition, key agriculturally fertile areas such as the Galilee would go to the Zionist state and a large part of the coastal plain. Hundreds of Palestinian villages would fall within the Jewish state. Palestinians feared land confiscation, just as has eventually occurred for Palestinian citizens of Israel today. Another point of anger regarding Peel was the suggestion that the Palestinian state would be incorporated into Jordan.
And so the Palestinian resistance escalated. During this period, fighters even succeeded in assuming control of the Old City of Jerusalem. In an effort to keep control, the British banned the Arab Higher Committee and the individual Palestinian political parties. Palestinians deemed responsible for the revolt were sent into exile or kept in detention camps. In 1938, at least a thousand Palestinians were killed by the British and 54 were executed by hanging. Two and a half thousand Palestinians were detained in camps. The British air force, tanks, and heavy artillery were used against militants and as part of collective punishment such as housing demolition and curfews. The collective punishment enacted by Israel in the 1967 territories today has a historical precedent in British action to quell the Arab revolt. At the same time as crushing the resistance, the British were building up the Zionist military arsenal, cooperating with the Jewish Agency’s secret army, the Haganah, to provide special training for a Jewish Settlement Police (JSP). By early 1939, the JSP was 14, 000 strong, working in cooperation with the British on secret operations (Khalidi 190). Also, during this second phase of the rebellion, the Zionist militia, the Irgun Zvai Leumi (National Military Organization) of the right-wing Zionist Revisionist Party, began a campaign of bombing crowded market places 3. Autumn 1938–Summer 1939 The British launched the Woodhead Commission with the general conclusion that partition was not practical. Alongside the commission, efforts to halt the Arab revolt intensified. In February and March 1938, the British sponsored a Zionist—Palestinian conference in London, but refused to allow outlawed Palestinian parties to participate. Unsurprisingly, no agreement was reached. 1939 White Paper In 1939, a new British White Paper was published. With yet another twist in policy, the British announced that they believed that their obligations to the Zionists were now fulfilled. Limits would be put on mass immigration and land purchase, a plan to reassure Palestinians. Palestinians obviously welcomed the idea of a unitary state, but the changes in British policy in the past, led to a cautionary air. The situation between the British and Arabs calmed somewhat from previous years. Zionist opposition to the White Paper was muted during the Second World War, 1939–1945, as concern was focused on maintaining Allied support for defeating the Nazis. Thousands of Palestinian Jews fought in the British army during this war and only the dissident Stern Gang continued Zionist militant operations against the British Mandate authorities. But the White Paper inevitably brought tensions over immigration, escalating in the years at the end of the war. Realizing that the British would not deliver all that they sought, the Zionists turned to America to cultivate support. After the war, the Zionist campaign escalated on diplomatic, military, and propaganda fronts (Khalidi 236). In 1947, a meeting of the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP) produced a report endorsing partition. On October 29, 1947, the British announced that they would leave Palestine within six months if no settlement was reached. On November 29, the UN General Assembly recommended partition with an international regime for Jerusalem. It is important to note that no African or Asian state voted in favor of partition, (bar Liberia and the Philippines). |
