We
see, with great bewilderment, how members of Iraq’s Governing
Council (IGC) are united in their call not to honor the military
actions against the US forces in Iraq by classifying them as
actions of resistance. They insist on describing such operations
against the US-led occupation forces in Iraq as “sabotage.”
Iraqis can only hope that they will also unite in demanding that
US forces preserve Iraqi dignity and withdraw from the country
as swiftly as possible. The Council’s members, who were
former exiles and opponents of President Saddam Hussein, do not
surprise anyone with their denial of the occupation of Iraq, and
their insistence on describing the US-led occupation forces as
“liberators.” However, what is confusing is how members were
chosen from inside Iraq; indeed, some of them held senior posts
in Saddam’s government. How were they so swiftly identified as
elements holding the same views as former exiles and opponents,
who had worked with the successive US administrations for more
than a decade?
The
Council was formed in July 2003, three months after the
occupation of Iraq. Surely, not enough time for the US
occupation authorities to scan the candidates for Council
membership, and select candidates with views identical to those
held by former exiles and opponents. It shows how the members of
Iraq’s Governing Council were carefully handpicked from inside
and outside Iraq; probably well before the occupation.
Many
Iraqis wonder why the Governing Council is not trying to gain a
political advantage from the Iraqi resistance, instead of
attacking it. The Washington Post wrote on November 13, 2003
that some top US commanders described the Iraqi resistance
operations as high-profile, so methodical, and well crafted.
The
painful blows of Iraqi resistance have forced the Bush
Administration to review its policies and priorities in Iraq,
and begin talking about “swift transition of power” to the
Iraqis. Nevertheless, this is not enough. The transition of
power and putting an end to the occupation must be parallel
tracks. The intention of giving power to Iraqis is not due to a
change of heart on the US part, but it is a result of aching
blows by Iraqi resistance.
The
US is now changing the face of its occupation by giving it
different names and shapes. The Bush administration is talking
about “the Iraqi government,” which requests US military
presence in Iraq. Nothing has changed; it is still a military
occupation, but under a different name, which is even more
humiliating. However, the resistance will not be deceived by
such an approach; it will only get tougher and more defiant.
The
Iraqi resistance was accused of being run by Saddam Hussein, and
many Iraqis were reluctant to affiliate with it, fearing that
they would be seen as fighting for the return of Saddam; after
the capture of President Saddam Hussein, this is no longer an
excuse.
Iraqis wonder why the IGC is not trying to gain a political advantage from the Iraqi resistance. |
|
Isn’t
it a golden opportunity for any real Iraqi politician to have
such a winning card? There must be an Iraqi political body that
will affiliate its political being with the Iraqi military
resistance, and adopt it as its powerful military wing.
Accordingly, such an integrated national body could sit
confidently at the negotiation table and discuss a US withdrawal
from Iraq, or at least a timetable for a gradual withdrawal.
The
Iraqi Governing Council, whether deliberately or accidentally,
is striving to obtain more power as a “gift” from the US
occupation authorities, without mentioning a word about ending
the occupation. Certainly, they do not have the capability of
asking the US to get out. They are isolated and enjoy only weak
popular support. In the near future, they will be backed by
US-trained Iraqi security forces, which will only increase their
isolation, and keep them distant from Iraqi national demands,
the main one being the liberation of Iraq.
Iraq
nowadays is in need of national reconciliation. If the IGC
condemns Saddam Hussein’s negligence of Iraqi national forces,
then they should not do the same thing and classify national
powers according to their own views and interests.
All
Iraqi political and military forces should coordinate their
efforts and ask the occupying powers to send their men back
home. The Governing Council should take the lead in such a
national demand, especially after the capture of President
Saddam Hussein, unless it has a different agenda.
