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The Modernist Approach to Hadith Studies
The
Wahhabi Approach
The
Salafi Approach
The
Salafabi Approach
The
Liberalist Approach
Modernist Islam is both unique in its
expression and yet so clearly an exported product of its Western
counterpart. Like Western modernism, Islamic modernism is difficult to
define: it is rather the general rubric for a series of metaphysical,
epistemological, and heuristic trends that stand as a stark antithesis
to traditionalism. Simply stated for the purposes of our study,
traditionalism represents the epistemological paradigm whose
legitimacy rests upon an unbroken chain (silsila) of knowledge
transfer, the starting point of which is God Himself. In the words of
the Christian traditionalist James Cutsinger, “Where revelation is
the projection of God into space, tradition is the extension of
revelation through time.”[1]
Thus, if a stone’s dropping into a pool of water represents
revelation, and the subsequent concentric waves that radiate from the
point of entry represent tradition, then modernism could be visualized
as a ring floating above (or below) the farthest periphery of the
waves that is disconnected both horizontally from the water and
vertically from the trajectory of the stone.[2]
While neither Islamic traditionalism nor modernism is a factor of era
per say, the latter phenomena is undoubtedly an upshot of Western
colonialism in the Muslim world.[3]
It did not, however, fully displace
traditionalism, which can still be found today, albeit rarely in an
unadulterated form.
Distinguishing Islamic traditionalism from
modernism helps a person to sort and filter knowledge, while allowing
him to recognize predispositions and assumptions within both camps.
Once he is comfortable with a particular methodology, the designations
promote efficiency in his search for knowledge by allowing him to
limit his study to a specific school. With this advantage in mind, two
questions must be leveled at a methodology in order to determine its
position within the traditionalist-modernist spectrum. First, what is
its definition of knowledge? The modernist school often seeks to
oversimplify areas of scholarly debate into unequivocal terms, be it
in the form of prayer posters that advertise the “correct” way to
pray or books such as Sayyid Sabiq’s ubiquitous Fiqh us-Sunnah,
which attempts to abolish 1,400 years of juristic disagreement in a
few slim volumes. The traditionalist school, on the other hand,
rarefies its knowledge with the passage of time through commentaries
and précis of earlier texts, while simplification occurs only through
a gradation of the material to correspond with students’ relative
levels of proficiency. Additionally, the source of knowledge is a
point of difference between modernists and traditionalists. The latter
category, in keeping with its insistence upon an unbroken chain of
knowledge transfer, regards human beings as the sole vehicles for
knowledge while books and other inanimate mediums are merely tools to
facilitate its transmission. Conversely, modernists implicitly raise
non-human media to the same level of their human originators by
employing pamphlets, books, and audio-visual technologies as a viable
alternative to human instruction.[4]
Second, to which scholars does a particular
methodology owe its allegiance? Islamic modernists frequently cite the
opinions and interpretations of scholars from either the earliest or
the most recent generations, while overlooking, criticizing, or even
denying the rulings and commentaries of scholars from the classical
Islamic period in between.[5]
Traditionalists, on the other hand, seek to
garner intellectual legitimacy by referencing the opinions and works
of classical scholars. According to them, correct interpretation of
Islamic primary sources can only be ensured through adherence to an
unbroken chain of knowledge, for the earliest generations understood
the Qur’an and prophetic Precedence (Sunnah) on such a profound
level that later generations cannot hope to access their knowledge
without recourse in a legacy of qualified scholarship. Regardless of
the seemingly incongruous nature of these two methodologies, the
traditionalist-modernist paradigm is a spectrum rather than two
distinct schools of thought, and lines of demarcation are not always
clear-cut.
While modernist tendencies have infiltrated
many of the traditional Islamic sciences, the field of Hadith studies
stands as a microcosm of modernism’s far-reaching influence and as
such will be the focus of our analysis. Legal and theological rulings
are what drive any interpretation or reinterpretation of an Islamic
original source, and consequently Hadith studies and law are
inextricably connected. According to varying degrees, all Hadith have
legal implications, while the evaluation and interpretation of them is
typically viewed in light of law. Were this not the case, then
difference of opinion in Hadith criticism would be a trivial matter
and not the source of sectarianism that it in fact is. From the
perspective of both Hadith studies and overall scholarly methodology,
there exist four major subdivisions within modernist Islam: Each
subgroup’s approach towards Hadith reflects its general attitude
towards the Islamic sciences. Our study is essentially concerned with
the treatment of Hadith within the modernist camp, though where
appropriate, we will also mention some corollary implications within
other disciplines and sciences of a particular subgroup’s
methodology.
The Wahhabi Approach
The Wahhabi school, or Salafi traditionalism
as it has been called by the Muslim intellectual Tariq Ramadan,[6]
has experienced a dramatic intellectual proliferation across the
Muslim world within the past few decades. Pamphlets espousing the
Wahhabi creed and methodology sprinkle the mosques of even the
remotest Muslim lands, while the school has a veritable monopoly on
public speeches, lessons, and activities within the holy sanctuaries
of Makkah and Madinah. The group’s founder and eponym, Muhammad ibn
`Abdul-Wahhab (d. 1206/1792), was a Hanbali reformist from the eastern
highlands of the Arabian Peninsula who sought to purge Islam from what
he saw as heretical accretions in the form of rationalism, Sufism, and
naïve adherence to juristic schools (taqlid). In the process
of forcibly instituting these purifications upon the Muslim populace
of the region, Ibn `Abdul-Wahhab mounted a formidable insurrection
against the “corrupt” Ottoman rulers that was ultimately quelled
by the army of Muhammad `Ali in 1234/1818. Nevertheless, Wahhabi
doctrines persisted in the region, posing as little more than a
nuisance to the caravans of Muslim pilgrims until `Abdul-`Aziz ibn
As-Sa`ud (r. 1319/1902 – 1373/1953) adopted the ideology as the
official doctrine of what would become Saudi Arabia.[7]
Owing to vast oil revenues and its unique
position as the patron-nation of the holiest sanctuaries in Islam, the
Saudi Arabian government, with the help of its scholars, has
propagated the ideology of Ibn `Abdul-Wahhab around the world.
Furthermore, within the past few years, Wahhabism has come to dominate
Internet Islam. It has met with different levels of intellectual
acceptance among Muslim populations.
The Wahhabi school seeks to remove all grey
area from the Islamic sciences in an effort to produce absolute
answers to legal and theological questions. As such, Wahhabi scholars
tend to practice rigid adherence (taqlid) to “rigorously
authenticated” (sahih) Hadith, most notably those found in
the Sahihs of Al-Bukhari and Muslim. For the other canonical
books of Hadith, the Wahhabi school often relies upon the
reevaluations of contemporary scholars, particularly those found in
the mustadrak[8]
works of Nasir Ad-Din Al-Albani. For example, the author of the
widespread booklet of prophetic invocations Hisn Al-Muslim (The
Fortification of the Muslim) insists upon Al-Albani’s
reassessment of authenticity for most of the Hadith drawn upon that
originate in the classical collections of Ibn Majah, At-Tirmidhi, Abu
Dawud, Ahmad, Malik, and others.[9]
Wahhabi jurists are unique in their unwavering
insistence upon directly quoting the Islamic primary sources,
particularly rigorously authenticated Hadith, in an effort to garner
legitimacy for their legal and theological rulings by demonstrating
their exclusive reliance upon the Qur’an and Sunnah and not the
opinions of mortal men. With the possible exception of Ibn Taymiyah,
Islamic jurists from the classical period are rarely mentioned;
rather, the Wahhabi approach is to present a ruling or fatwa along
with its primary evidences in a highly abridged format for use and
citation by lesser scholars and laymen. This stands in direct
opposition to the traditionalist attitude towards religious rulings
and fatwas, in which citing the opinions of one or more classical
scholars from the preceding generations in lieu of primary evidences
is viewed as a means of maintaining the sincerity of the contemporary
scholar, who represents a vehicle for knowledge rather than an
originator of it. Additionally, such an approach serves to express the
contemporary scholar’s gratitude and reverence towards the
consummate scholars of eras past.
An additional idiosyncrasy of the Wahhabi
school lies in its functional marginalization of weak (da`if)
Hadith, thereby implicitly equating them with spurious (mawdu`)
ones. This attitude is reflected in the words of Al-Albani:
It has become well known
among many scholars and students that it is permissible to act
upon weak Hadith with regard to excellent actions. … And
this is clearly not correct... Acting upon it is permissible
if that action is established by [an authentic] proof, but I
do not think that the majority of those who hold this saying
intend this meaning, even though it is clear since we find
them acting upon weak Hadith comprising actions not
established by authentic Hadith; for example, al-Nawawi’s
declaring it to be recommended to respond to the words, “The
prayer is commencing,” with, “May God establish it and
make it endure,” even though the Hadith about it is weak.[10]
In response to this innovative
approach to Hadith studies, the traditionalist scholar Nuh Ha Mim
Keller explains:
Weak [hadith] cannot simply
be equated with false [hadith]. Were this the case, mere
analysis of the transmitters would be the universal criterion for
acceptance or rejection of particular rulings based on hadiths.
While scholars do use this measure in upgrading the work of
preceding generations of legal authorities, they have not employed
it as a simplistic expedient to eliminate every piece of legal
information that is connected with a weak hadith, because of
various considerations.[11]
While it is beyond the scope of
this study to detail in full the traditionalist considerations that
admit the use of weak Hadith, the crux of the argument derives from
the possibility of multiple means of transmission of a particular
hadith. In other words, should a hadith be related through many
different chains of transmission (asanid, sing. isnad),
the probability of its falsity drops while the degree of its
authenticity and consequent authority are enhanced, even though its
chains of transmission may all be weak when considered individually.
The Wahhabi approach, on the other hand, represents a further example
of the school’s attempt to purge the Islamic sciences of the grey
areas of scholarly debate, in which weak Hadith and their juristic
implications are clearly a key component.
In addition to its novel attitude
towards Hadith classification, the Wahhabi school is similarly unique
in its naïve adherence to the Hadith found in the Sahihs of
Al-Bukhari and Muslim in matters of Islamic catechism. Regarding the
primary sources of theology (`aqeedah), traditionalists base
their catechism upon the Qur’an and those Hadith that have been
reported through so many channels of transmission that the possibility
of their spuriousness is rationally impossible.[12]
In contrast, the Wahhabi school gives
preponderance to the authenticity of a particular hadith’s chain of
transmission over the frequency of its transmission. Hence,
theological rulings can be derived from the Sahihs of
Al-Bukhari and Muslim, the two most authentic compilations of Hadith.
A startling example of this trend is found in Muhammad Taqi Al-Din
Al-Hilali and Muhammad Muhsin Khan’s Interpretation of the Meanings
of the Noble Qur’an, the official Wahhabi translation of the
Qur’an in the English language. The text translates verse 42 of
Surat Al-Qalam as [(Remember) the Day when the Shin shall be laid bare
(i.e., the Day of Resurrection) and they shall be called to prostrate
themselves (to Allah), but they (hypocrites) shall not be able to do
so.] In order to elucidate the word shin, two footnotes accompany the
English text, one of which refers the reader to an earlier footnote
that reads as follows:
All that has been revealed in
Allah’s Book as regards the Qualities of Allah, the Most High,
like His Face, Eyes, Hands, Shins (Legs), His Coming, His rising
over His Throne and others, of all the Allah’s Messenger
qualified Him in the true authentic [sic] Prophet’s [Hadith] as
regards His Qualities like His Descent or His Laughing and others,
the religious scholars of the Qur’an and Sunna believe in these
Qualities of Allah and they confirm that these are really His
Qualities, without Ta’wil (interpreting their meanings into
different things) or Tashbih (giving resemblance or similarity to
any of the creatures) or Ta`ţil (i.e. completely ignoring or
denying them, i.e. there is no Face, or Eyes, or Hands, or Shins
for Allah). [emphasis added][13]
It is difficult to see how the
translators derived “the Day when the Shin shall be laid bare”
from the original Arabic, which in fact is employing a common
classical Arabic locution that denotes a day of severity from which
there is no escape. In pre-Islamic battles, warriors would raise their
garments to facilitate combat, and with time, the action became a
ubiquitous idiom in Arab society. That the translators are not aware
of the expression is astounding, while their translating an indefinite
shin (saaq) as “the Shin,” a divine quality that
necessitates unequivocal faith, hints at a misunderstanding of the
original Arabic.
In truth, the Wahhabi use of
“the Shin” originates in a hadith found in Al-Bukhari’s Sahih[14]
that is translated into English in the second of
the footnotes that qualify the verse in question. The elaborate hadith
depicts the events of the Day of Judgment, and it culminates in the
following account, as translated by Al-Hilali and Khan:
And none will speak to Him
then but the Prophets. And it will be said to them, “Do you know
any sign by which you can recognize Him?” They will say, “The
Shin,” and so Allah will then uncover His Shin whereupon every
believer will prostrate himself before Him.[15]
In spite of the English rendering
above, Ibn Hajar Al-`Asqalani’s superlative Fath Al-Bari, the
definitive commentary on Al-Bukhari’s Sahih, mentions numerous
explanations of what has been translated as “the Shin” above,[16]
none of which suggests an anthropomorphic
appendage. Arguably, the most convincing of these explanations is that
of Ibn `Abbas in which he interprets it, “God will surely disclose
His Omnipotence (qudratih) through which the severity [of the Day of
Judgment] will become clear.” Al-Bayhaqi relates it according to two
chains of transmission, both of which are good (hasan). Regardless,
the above instance stands as a poignant example of the Wahhabi
school’s rigid adherence (taqlid) to a hadith’s authenticity with
deference neither to its classical interpretation, to the classical
use of the Arabic language, nor to the classical approach to
theological rulings.
The Salafi Approach
The Salafi School as Khalid Abou
El Fadl defines it,[17]
or Salafi reformism according to Tariq Ramadan,[18]
is effectively a twentieth-century movement with its origins in Egypt
while still under British colonial rule. Its most prominent
intellectual founder, Muhammad `Abduh (d. 1323/1905), was Sheikh of
Al-Azhar University for a brief period before his death; while prior
to this, he was a supporter and apprentice of the modernist Muslim
philosopher Jamal Ad-Din Al-Afghani (d. 1314/1897). Particularly in
his Qur’anic exegesis (tafsir), `Abduh was skeptical towards ahad
Hadith, or those Traditions that are reported through few chains of
transmission, even if they are deemed rigorously authenticated in any
of the six canonical books of Hadith. Furthermore, he advocated a
reassessment of traditional assumptions even in Hadith studies, though
he did not devise a systematic methodology before his death.[19]
Al-Afghani, `Abduh, and their
later disciples such as Muhammad Rashid Rida (d. 1354/1935) and, to a
lesser extent, Muhammad Al-Ghazali (d. 1410/1989) espoused some of the
key Wahhabi ideals, particularly the endeavor to “return” to the
Islamic understanding of the first Muslim generations (as-salaf) by
reopening the doors of juristic deduction (ijtihad) that they saw as
closed. In effect, such a new-fangled policy signified a complete
break from the traditional chain of knowledge transfer and its
respective methodology. As such, the founding fathers of the Salafi
movement often found themselves as the de facto apologists for Ibn
`Abdul-Wahhab and his devotees, who were viewed as little more than an
odious nuisance by pilgrims from traditionalist Muslim countries like
Egypt.
Nevertheless, the Salafi attitude
is less myopic than that of the Wahhabis. Salafi scholars accept
juristic disagreement, and notwithstanding their tendency to
oversimplify many of the traditional Islamic sciences, they do not
propound categorical rulings in areas of established ambiguity. While
they view the traditionalist methodology as essentially archaic and
less than ideal, the Salafis nonetheless deem it acceptable before
God, thus rendering it within the tolerable umbrella of pluralism.
Furthermore, they do not altogether dismiss Sufism or a rational
deduction of law, unlike their Wahhabi counterparts.
Tariq Ramadan voices a cardinal
Salafi adage when he writes, “Our knowledge regarding Hadith
authentication is more precise today.”[20]
In other words, the Salafi School views
classical scholarship as a lead-up to the industrial age in which most
primary Islamic sources have been quantified, appraised, and printed,
thus making it possible to derive superior juristic rulings that were
not possible in generations past. However, while Ramadan’s logic is
admittedly more sophisticated than the above representation, his
Hadith argument is flawed when taken as a claim against traditional
juristic schools (madhahib, sing. madhhab). Modernists frequently
perceive naïve adherence to one of the four schools of Islamic law as
obsolete since none of the four schools’ eponyms had access to the
complete corpus of Hadith that we have today. In fact, a juristic
school comprises a series of principles (usul) that admit the
injection of additional Hadith even after the death of the school’s
original founder. In response to claims like those of Tariq Ramadan,
Nuh Ha Mim Keller writes:
In respect to the contention
that the Imams “did not incorporate all the Hadiths into their
madhhabs;” while undoubtedly true in some instances (as
knowledge of all Hadiths is probably impossible), what they missed
was not ignored by the succeeding generations of top scholars who
followed them in each school, rechecking their evidences and
conclusions, and revised their Imams’ madhhabs.[21]
Keller proceeds to mention
examples from each of the four juristic schools of Islam in which a
later-day scholar upgrades and changes the ruling of his particular
imam, thereby making the school’s official edict differ from that of
its original founder. Regardless, a glimmer of the Wahhabi influence
shines through the Salafi contention, specifically, that a
reevaluation of Hadith authentication is an effective method to
generate unequivocal juristic rulings in place of the classical legacy
of scholarly disagreement.
Unlike the Wahhabis, the Salafi
approach to the Islamic sciences does not lay great emphasis upon rote
memorization of texts beyond the Qur’an. This may be a factor of
`Abduh’s foremost complaint against Al-Azhar’s curriculum: It
focuses heavily on memorization often at the expense of a student’s
proper understanding. Additionally, Salafis are at the forefront of
the audio-visual learning movement in Islam. As such, they champion
the idea that knowledge can be obtained in books and supplemented with
human contact. Traditionalists, on the other hands, view book
knowledge as information at best—a dangerous ingredient when taken
alone.
The Salafabi Approach
Combining the most extreme
tendencies of the Wahhabi and Salafi schools while adding a distinctly
militant twist, the Salafabi School as Abou El Fadl labels it,[22]
or the political or literalist Salafiya according to Tariq Ramadan,[23]
is no doubt an angry reaction to both Western
colonization of the Muslim world in the past few centuries and the
moral relativism and laxity seen to accompany globalization in the
postmodern period. Infamous media figures such as Osama bin Laden and
Ayman Al-Zawahiri epitomize the bellicose vigilantism that
distinguishes the practical ideals of the school, which Abou El- Fadl
perspicaciously defines as:
A supremacist puritanism that
compensates for feelings of defeatism, disempowerment, and
alienation with a distinct sense of self-righteous arrogance vis-à-vis
the nondescript “other”—whether the “other” is the West,
non-believers in general, or even Muslim women.[24]
The Salafabi methodology is
unique in its use of evidences from the Qur’an and Hadith to
legitimize preexisting juristic arguments and rulings that are often
violent in nature. As such, Salafabi preachers rely primarily on
Qur’anic citations, for divine scripture lends itself to open and
irrefutable interpretations,[25]
though some adherents of the school commit a limited array of Hadith
and their implications to memory that are primarily of a political
nature. For example, in response to the Islamic narration often
attributed to the Prophet Muhammad, “We have returned from the
lesser jihad to the greater jihad,”[26]
which implies that the struggle against the
indulgences of the soul is superior to fighting against the enemies of
God, a Salafabi may remind his ideological opponent that this
narration is at best a weakly authenticated report, though more likely
a forgery. While the objective may stand up to scholarly scrutiny,
that a layman has memorized such an esoteric piece of information is
evidence of a polemical agenda.
With regard to Hadith that they
deem acceptable, Salafabis often ignore classical commentaries and
understanding, save the atypical or even obscure classical ruling that
supports their argument. A prime example of this can be seen in the
December 2001 public statement of Osama bin Laden that was aired on
Al-Jazeera news, in which bin Laden refers to a Hadith, reported in
the Sahih of Muslim and included in Imam An-Nawawi’s celebrated
Riyad As-Salihin (The Gardens of the Righteous), that centers around
the story of a boy who learns faith from a monk and is subsequently
persecuted for his beliefs by a wicked tyrant. Bin Laden says:
This Hadith of the boy: when
the boy took the stone, while still possessing little knowledge
and vacillating between the magician and the monk, and the beast
hindered the people from the street, he said, “Today I shall
know who is better: the monk or the magician,” … So he took a
stone and struck the beast, killing it. Then, the monk came to the
boy and said, “O my son! Today you are better than me,” … in
spite the knowledge of the monk and the ignorance of the boy! …
Thus, the measure of excellence in this religion, as it comes in
the Hadith of our Prophet (may peace and blessings be upon him);
the measure of faith is not merely gathering knowledge, rather it
is gathering knowledge and actions.[27]
In other words, bin Laden uses
the Hadith to indicate that the actions of the September 11 hijackers
prove their superiority in faith to the entirety of Islamic scholars
who have no such actions to their names. According to bin Laden, the
boy’s violence against the beast correlates to the hijackers’
violence against the American people: Both “justified” acts of
violence confirm the worth of the perpetrators before God and the rest
of humanity. In contrast, the illustrious scholar from the classical
period of Islam, Imam An-Nawawi (d. 676/1277) mentions the same Hadith
within his chapter of “Patience,” which is introduced by several
verses from the Qur’an, among them, [But indeed if any show patience
and forgive, that would be an affair of great resolution.][28]
Hence, An-Nawawi reads the hadith as a lesson in
non-violent perseverance in the face horrible tyranny. Ironically,
owing to the popularity and convenience of An-Nawawi’s text, it is
reasonable to assume that bin Laden first learned of the hadith from
Riyad As-Salihin.
The Liberalist Approach
What Tariq Ramadan categorizes as
liberal or rationalist reformism[29]
is rather the olla podrida of the modernist movement: Though
fundamentally different in its approach from the other three modernist
sub-schools, it is nonetheless a miscellaneous rubric. “Liberal”
here, according to Ramadan, refers to the modern Western definition of
the term, meaning favoring the primacy of the individual,[30]
and advocates of this methodology often identify themselves in
contrast to the “fundamentalists”—an amoebic term, “which to
their way of thinking covers all other tendencies than their own.”[31]
Extreme strains of the liberalist school go so
far as to challenge the authority of the Qur’an and prophetic Sunnah
in a Muslim’s life, as can be seen in the article “Sexuality,
Diversity, and Ethics in the Agenda of Progressive Muslims”
by Scott Kugle in the liberalist publication Progressive Muslims:
It is very difficult to
establish the authenticity of most reports that circulate in the
name of the Prophet Muhammad. … In the contemporary period,
there are less and less scholars who are trained in Hadith
criticism. Wahhabi and Salafi scholars, who may have such
training, have no motive to critique Hadith, for in their zeal to
escape history and return to the Prophet’s own time, they reify
Hadith as unquestionable building blocks for their monolithic
iconic image of the Prophet’s exemplary behavior.[32]
Conservative liberalists, on the
other hand, may be indistinguishable from the Salafi outlook. Even so,
while it is difficult to pigeonhole the liberalists as a whole, they
are clearly a product of the West through either naturalization or
colonization.
Ironically, the liberalist
intelligentsia frequently mirrors the approach of its Salafabi
adversaries by fashioning its arguments and subsequently establishing
legitimacy for them through novel interpretations of the Qur’an and
Hadith. Kugle’s article represents such an approach to
“revisionist” Hadith studies. In an attempt to establish
legitimacy for homosexuality in Islam, the author writes:
A review of Hadith from the
two most reliable collections (Sahih Muslim and Sahih
al-Bukhari) reveals no evidence that the Prophet asserted, in
word or deed, that homosexual relations were a hadd crime, or were
to be equated with adultery, or ever punished any persons for
“crimes” related to homosexuality. Nor is there any Hadith in
these two most authentic collections in which the Prophet
discusses [Lot] in relationship to sexual acts or relationships.
This writer further suspects that the very terms Luti and Liwat
are not found in the authentic Hadith, although this would take
more research to substantiate.[33]
In effect, Kugle is limiting the
gamut of legally applicable Hadith to those found in the two most
authentic collections, thereby rendering the vast majority of Hadith
irrelevant. Reminiscent of the Wahhabi approach, Kugle is performing
naïve adherence (taqlid) on almost an absolute level to the Hadith
found in the Sahihs of Al-Bukhari and Muslim, though unlike the
Wahhabis, he discards all other Hadith in order to substantiate his
preexisting argument. The “general conclusions about Hadith” that
Kugle derives after his glib and unscholarly research are astonishing:
Most reports in which the
Prophet reportedly condemns same-sex activities have weak chains
of transmission and are found in Hadith collections that are not
the most authoritative. Hadith scholars in the medieval period
(when Hadith criticism was still actively pursued in Muslim
communities) explicitly debunked some of them for having forged
chains of transmission. In the earliest period, jurists did not
agree as to which Hadith might be authentic and strong enough to
form the basis of legal opinions. [emphasis added][34]
That medieval scholars debunked
some Hadith and that they did not agree unanimously to their levels of
authenticity are unconvincing reasons to discard the bulk of the
Hadith corpus. By this rationale, the Hadith found in the Sahihs of
Al-Bukhari and Muslim can be discarded, for a handful of later
scholars disagreed to their level of authenticity as well.
Furthermore, Kugle states that most Hadith condemning same-sex
relations carry weak chains of authority, while one could venture to
say that most Hadith that report the virtues of reciting the Qur’an
are reported according to weak chains of authority, though no scholar
(or layman) has ever used this to prove that reciting the Qur’an is
not a virtuous deed. One can assume that if all Hadith that condemn
homosexual relations were weak in their chains of authority, Kugle
would have been vociferous in pointing this out. That he specifically
states that “most Hadith” are weak is strong grounds to believe
that there exist Hadith to the same purport with strong chains of
authority.
Kugle’s attitude towards Hadith
studies is extreme in its oversimplification but not unusual in the
modern era. Nevertheless, it represents a clear break from the other
three modernist schools, which maintain at least some deference
towards the opinions of classical scholars.
While it may be difficult for the
present author to stifle his personal sentiments at times, the above
analysis is not meant to promote a value judgment of the modernist
approach to Hadith studies. For a well-reasoned counterargument,
particularly from the Salafi perspective, interested parties are
advised to see Tariq Ramadan’s To Be a European Muslim. The text
epitomizes a sound presentation of the modernist concerns and
objectives, while it is written in a style and format that remains
true to the Islamic intellectual tradition of excellence. In an age
when the majority of modernist publications flout the Islamic concept
of ihsan (excellence), either by breaking from linguistic
standardization or through poor grammar and style, Ramadan’s book
comes as a welcome surprise.
On a concluding note, a chief
complaint leveled against the traditionalist methodology by its
detractors lies in what is seen as its inherent inability to adjust to
the modern world. While this may be a reasonable allegation in the
case of certain interpretations of traditionalism, the approach itself
has demonstrated its dynamic ability to redefine itself throughout the
fourteen centuries of Islamic history. Traditionalism is not a
time-capsule approach to the Islamic intellectual sciences; rather, it
adapts to the needs of the hour while never relinquishing the unbroken
chain of knowledge transfer. While some modernists would view this
insistence upon traditional knowledge as the raison d’être for the
contemporary disgrace of the Islamic world, a traditionalist would
argue that breaking ourselves from a direct nexus with the divine is
the source of all our woes.
Noor al-Deen Atabek
is a researcher in Islamic Studies.
[1] James S.
Cutsinger, “An Open Letter on Tradition,” Modern Age, vol.
36, issue 3, 1994.
[2] The stone analogy
is an adaptation of that of James S. Cutsinger.
[3] Even the movement
of Ibn `Abdul-Wahhab, though initially a reaction to Ottoman
colonialism in the Arab world, found its chief propagators espousing
its dialectics as a response to Western intellectual colonization.
[4] The
teach-yourself-Islam approach of modernist institutions such as the
American Open University is a prime example of equating book knowledge
with human instruction.
[5] An exception to
this tendency is certain modernist schools’ frequent citation of Ibn
Taymiyah (d. 728/1328), who himself earned a reputation for iconoclasm
by reassessing the first generation of Islamic scholarship not
infrequently in contravention of classical interpretations.
[6] Tariq Ramadan, To
Be a European Muslim. Islamic Foundation: Leicester, 2002, p. 240.
[7] Khalid Abou El
Fadl, “The Ugly Modern and the Modern Ugly: Reclaiming the Beautiful
in Islam.” Progressive Muslims, ed. Omid Safi. Oneworld:
Oxford, 2003, p. 52.
[8] A mustadrak text
is a collection of Hadith “in which the compiler, having accepted
the conditions laid down by a previous compiler, collects together
such other traditions as fulfill those conditions and were missed by
his predecessor.” Muhammad Zubayr Siddiqi, Hadith Literature.
Islamic Texts Society: Cambridge, 1993, p. 12.
[9] See the appendix
of Hisn Al-Muslim (Safīr Press: Riyadh).
[10] Al-Albani’s
words have been translated by Dawud Burbank Salafī with
grammatical corrections made by the present author. The original and
complete text can be found on “Allaahuakbar.net,” http://www.allaahuakbar.net/
scholars/albaani/abandoning_acting_on_weak_Hadith.htm. It
was accessed on 25 May 2004.
[11] Nuh Ha Mim
Keller (transl. and editor), The Reliance of the Traveller.
Amana Publications: Beltsville, 1999, p. 954.
[12] They are called
mutawatir hadiths.
[13] Muhammad Taqi
Al-Din Al-Hilali and Muhammad Muhsin Khan, Interpretation of the
Meanings of the Noble Qur’an. Darussalam: Riyadh, 1996, pp.
133-4.
[14] See Sahih
Al-Bukhari, Book of Tawhid, No. 6886 for the original
Arabic.
[15] Muhammad Taqi
Al-Din Al-Hilali and Muhammad Muhsin Khan, 1996, pp. 1128-29.
[16] Selections from
Ibn Hajar Al-`Asqalani’s Fath al-Bari were accessed on www.al-islam.com
on 22 May 2004.
[17] Khalid Abou El
Fadl, 2003, pp. 55–57.
[18] Tariq Ramadan,
2002, pp. 241-2.
[19] Daniel W.
Brown, Rethinking Tradition in Modern Islamic Thought.
Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1996, p. 37.
[20] Tariq Ramadan,
2002, pp. 95-6.
[21] Nuh Ha Mim
Keller, Al-Maqasid: Nawawi’s Manual of Islam. Revised and expanded
edition. Amana Publications: Beltsville, 2002, pp. 134-5.
[22] Khalid Abou El
Fadl, 2003, pp. 57-62.
[23] Tariq Ramadan,
2002, pp. 242-3.
[24] Khalid Abou El
Fadl, 2003, p. 58.
[25] For more
information on the disingenuous Qur’anic interpretations of the
Salafabi school, see David Dakake’s “Myth of a Militant Islam”
in Islam, Fundamentalism, and the Betrayal of Tradition, ed. Joseph E.
B. Lumbard. World Wisdom: Bloomington, 2004, pp. 3-38.
[26] Bayhaqi, Kitab
Az-Zuhd.
[27] The original
Arabic transcript of this speech was obtained on www.aljazeera.net
in December of 2001. I could not relocate it in the archives.
[28] Qur’an 42:
43.
[29] Tariq Ramadan,
2002, pp. 243-4.
[30] Tariq Ramadan,
2002, p. 244.
[31] Tariq Ramadan,
2002, p. 247.
[32] Scott Kugle,
“Sexuality, Diversity, and Ethics in the Agenda of Progressive
Muslims.” Progressive Muslims, ed. Omid Safi. Oneworld: Oxford,
2003, p. 220.
[33] Scott Kugle,
2003, p. 220.
[34] Scott Kugle,
2003, pp. 220-21.
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