When
I attended the Lincolnshire camp in the United Kingdom organized by
the Islamic Society of Britain (ISB) 2003, I noticed the continuing
developments among the British Muslims and how they try to cope with
their hyphened identities, attempting to be confident Muslims and
actively participating citizens. On the other hand, I learned more
about the challenges facing British Muslims. Generally, the
underachievement of European Muslims is caused by different boundaries
that could be language, faith, culture, identity, tradition, economic
standing, education, employment, and prejudice—the list goes on. In
confronting these problems, many suggestions stressed the need for
Europe to work on a long-term, coherent integration strategy, while
European Muslims continue to redefine themselves in their communities,
discussing choices.
Despite
the dark side of the picture, I am among those who hold more
optimistic views, believing that Islam can contribute to reflection on
the place of spirituality in secularized societies. Muslims can be the
natural allies of all those who challenge such societies on questions
of meaning, ethics, and social justice.
The
London bombings revealed our need to look deeply at the heart of the
problems, putting the right questions and seeking the proper answers.
One
cannot predict how the British Muslims will respond to new challenges
after the bombings, especially when they are facing more security
measures and expected racial profiling as well as after they have
experienced unprecedentedly intense criticism.
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Islam
can contribute to reflection on the place of spirituality in
secularized societies.
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After
the bombings, the British Muslim community has been asked not only to
condemn what happened, but also to do some self-criticism and to put
its house in order. Some of the recommended strategies for the Muslim
community are working more on dialogue among themselves and engaging
with all levels of government in a balanced, dynamic way.
On
the other hand, criticizing the British multicultural model,
describing it as one of the embedded reasons that terrorism is
nourished, cannot interpret serious phenomena in the British society.
Blair
announced on August 5 that the July attacks should be followed by new
security measures. Although it may sound repetitive, seeking security
through such measures and procedures cannot be the solution to what
has happened. This might actually prevent Britain from seeking fresh,
creative, modern answers to the problems that the bombings unveiled.
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Cover
of the book
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The
interesting book British Muslims Between Assimilation and
Segregation: Historical, Legal and Social Realities (Mohammad
Siddique Seddon, Dilwar Hussain, and Nadeem Malik) contributes greatly
to the ongoing debate in terms of the formulation of new questions and
valid viewpoints that open the door to further discussions.
Dr.
Sophie Gilliat-Ray of the Department of Religious and Theological
Studies, Cardiff University, and the publisher of the book affirmed
“Seddon, Hussain and Malik stress the importance of Muslim
engagement in British society, and draw upon their extensive knowledge
of Islam, social sciences, and the law, to demonstrate both the
challenges and the possibilities. … Their ideas deserve to form the
basis for debate about the future of Islam in the UK. This book will
be valuable to students of Islamic studies, sociology, race and
ethnicity, politics and law, but also warrants a much wider general
readership.”
I
have carefully read this book, which addresses the issues from two
different perspectives. First, the theoretical (macro-) one,
discussing how we can arrive at intellectual and judicial frames of
reference, which are clearer and better, adapted to Muslims in the
British context. Second, the practical (micro-) perspective
considering the different experiences and views on a daily life basis.
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Mohammad
Siddique Seddon
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In
this interview, conducted in July of 2005, Mohammad Siddique Seddon, a
co-author of the book and a researcher in the Islamic Foundation UK,
agreed to answer our questions and to not leave any stone unturned.
Read
in This Intervie
The
Young Generations: Expectation?
IOL:
Given the fact that 52% of the Muslims in the UK are young (under the
age of 25), it is said that the coming generations may be more capable
of integration as they should command the language and the social
skills. What do you think?
Seddon:
The Muslim community in
Britain is comparatively young to the host community, and the next
twenty years or so will probably witness a greater presence of Muslims
in all spheres of British society. As far as greater participation of
British Muslims is concerned, for example, the Muslim vote will
increase at every general election, ensuring that it cannot be ignored
by politicians. The recent general election in Britain shows that
Muslims are considering wider political issues, locally, nationally,
and internationally. In addition, they are moving away from the
traditional voting patterns of their migrant parents.
As
for as the increasing acculturation and integration of British
Muslims, this is a natural consequence of migration, in that the
migrant community slowly merges culturally into the dominant community
into which it has settled. However, global factors, 9/11, and the
subsequent invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq mean that Muslim identity
is still a feature of young British Muslims’ character regardless of
their emerging “Britishness.”
After
the London Bombings
IOL:
But as the London bombers are from that young generation, do you
expect any drastic changes in the future of the young British Muslims?
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We
failed to realize the depth of anger and frustration of a minority
of young British Muslims.
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Seddon:
It seems that what we failed to do as
a community was to realize the depth of anger and frustration of a
minority of young British Muslims. Beyond this reality, of course,
there are tiny minorities who have been drawn into the “global
jihad” through the polemical views of extremist groups that have
been allowed to propagate their ideas in Britain [e.g., Al-Muhajiroun
and Hizb at-Tahrir]. Our failing was that we did not believe that
their “jihadi” rhetoric would actually manifest into acts of
terrorism and murder. If the police response is not measured and
sensitive, which at the moment it is, I am afraid that the fanatics
might be able to convince our disenfranchised youth that they were
right all along and that Muslims are the target of indiscriminate
anti-Muslim laws and policies.
IOL:
How can the Muslims fulfill the governmental security demands and keep
their own independent stances currently and in the future?
Seddon:
We should resist outside attempts to
“nationalize” us. Yes, we are British, but we are British Muslims
in much the same way that other faith communities are British—the
Christians, the Jews, the Sikhs, the Buddhists, etc. All faiths have a
universal dimension to their character, and we as Muslims should not
be afraid of maintaining our ummatic universal Muslim identity. Nor
should our universal identity be seen in opposition to our national
political identity. When there is a contention, for example, we might
disagree with our government’s international polices; expressing our
dissent through lawful protest should not be viewed as disloyalty but
rather as our ability to engage in the democratic process. Many
Christians oppose the invasion of Iraq but they are not seen as being
disloyal to Britain.
IOL:
The British Muslim community has been asked not only to condemn the
London bombings but to do some kind of a crucial self-criticism and to
put their house in order. To what extent do you agree?
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Our
universal identity should not be seen in opposition to our
national political identity.
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Seddon:
The British Muslim community did not
need to be asked to condemn the terrorist murders, they responded
immediately and unanimously in the condemnations. However, these
terrible events have been used to scapegoat the community by launching
vicious attacks on its religious leaders, its institutions, and its
beliefs to the extent that many secular liberals have claimed that
Islamic theology rather than dangerous international government
policies are to blame for the attacks. Yes, we do have problems in
communication between first-generation migrants and their British-born
children, but these are largely social and cultural problems rather
than religious ones, and the community has been addressing these
issues with little or no support from local or central government.
Islamophobia:
A Multi-Level Phenomenon
IOL:
You mentioned in your book that Islamophobia is an established
phenomenon that is deeply rooted and has wide-reaching impact. What
are the most important manifestations in the British society? Which is
more dangerous against the Muslims, Islamophobia on the state or the
individual level?
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At
the present only government legislation will offer protection
against Islamophobia.
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Seddon:
Islamophobia is a new form of racism
that focuses specifically on the cultures, beliefs, and practices of
Muslims. A recent report for the European Union (EUMC report on
Islamophobia) acknowledged that it is on the increase and that Muslim
minorities need protection through laws against this religious hate
crime. The reality of “religious racism” has been recognized
against Jews and Sikhs here in the UK and racism against black and
Asian communities has also been prohibited by law. Unfortunately for
British Muslims, they are protected by law as blacks or Asians but
they are unprotected as Muslims. This means they still suffer
discrimination for their religious beliefs and practices. Until the
government acknowledges Islamophobia as a crime and institutes new
laws to protect Muslims, this form of discrimination will continue on
both the individual and institutional levels. At the present only
government legislation will offer protection against Islamophobia, and
if they do not offer protection to Muslims against this crime, we
really need to ask why.
IOL:
How can the British Muslims face the disadvantages of lacking the
legal recognition and being attacked under the Anti-terrorism, Crime
and Security Act?
Seddon:
At the moment we cannot and we have
been told by Hazel Blears, a Home Office Minister, that we should
expect to be targeted under these new draconian and undemocratic
anti-terror laws in which, it would appear, all Muslims are suspects
by virtue of their religion alone.
Ethnic
and Religious Groups: Confusing Definitions
IOL:
Islam is not a religion confined to one ethnic group, and I know that
the British law protects other religious groups from any offensive
action against them as ethnic groups (Jews, Sikhs, etc.). Do you think
that this should be changed and how?
Seddon:
British Muslims are very diverse
ethnically and culturally, and we have Muslims present here from all
over the world as well as a large convert community. This means that
they cannot be defined as a religious group ethnically because the
sub-division would be too many and too diverse. Therefore, specific
legislation has to be introduced that recognizes the two million
British Muslims as a religious entity in its own right.
IOL:
You explained that there are diverse Muslim cultural expressions that
can be seen around the world. However, this does not mean that there
are many “Islams” but there are many expressions of the Muslim way
of life. But still, many people do not see this interpretation as an
answer for their question, “What is the pure Islam?” What do you
think?
Seddon:
The idea of “pure Islam,” I
believe, is an abstraction and if by using it we mean the “Islam of
the Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him) and his Companions,”
then this, too, has a context. By this I mean the doctrines of Islam (`aqeedah)
are enshrined in our religious texts, the Qur’an and the Sunnah;
they are universal and unchangeable beliefs and rites. However, how
they are particularly manifested in any historical era or society
depends upon many social factors. Islam does manifest itself
culturally—from one place and time to another—and, providing the
practices and beliefs of a particular Muslim society do not contravene
the teachings of the divine texts, then what they do, wear, eat, etc.
(‘urf), is all permissible, in fact encouraged. The Qur’an
tells us clearly,
(Oh
Mankind! We have created you from a male and female and set you up
as nations and tribes, so that you may recognize one another.
Indeed, the noblest among you before God are those who have attained
awareness (taqwah).)
[Al-Hujurat 49:13]
This
does not mean that there are many “Islams,” but it does mean that
there are many different Muslims!
“European
Islam”: Possible Renaissance?
IOL:
Coming to the problematic term, identity, you emphasized that living
in any society involves a constant negotiation of our different values
and ideas, allegiances and loyalties. How can such understanding
produce the so called “European Islam”? Is it possible to expect a
renaissance from the West to cause an Islamic revival affecting the
Muslims in the East?
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For
Muslims, we are not ethnically bound.
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Seddon:
This question is very well put and is
a complex one to answer briefly, but I will endeavor to address some
of the key issues it raises. Identity is a “problem” of the
European Enlightenment, whereby man was “de-essentialized.” That
is, his purpose of being was no longer seen as a part of the divine
schema. The application of scientific rationalism and philosophical
reasoning demanded that religion should be empirically tested by
historical critical analysis. For many, their religion “failed”
the rigors of rationalism and therefore the “reason” for man’s
existence had to be redetermined. In addition to the effects of the
Enlightenment, the Reformation, a theological and political break-up
of Western Christendom, resulted in the formation of nation-states
with distinct religions and races, e.g., “England and
Anglicanism.” The advent of religious skepticism and denominational
Christianity gave rise to the idea of “others,” religiously and
racially—those who were “loyal” and could be identified as
“us.” In this current understanding of “us” in Western Europe,
shaped by exclusive religious and racial definitions, Muslims are seen
as the outsiders, the “others.”
Fortunately
for Muslims, we are not ethnically bound and therefore we can be or
become French, English, German, etc., without having to abandon our
religious beliefs or our “original identity” as the creation of
Allah and the sons of Adam. As for a European Islam, why not? Provided
we do not lose our universal Islamic identity in the process.
Between
Nation-State and Ummatic Universalism
IOL:
The Western European concept of identity through national and racial
constructs is really a result of the creation of modern nation-states.
As we are approaching the formulation of the new Europe and its
constitution, can we expect any differences in defining the word identity?
Seddon:
I believe Europe has to think beyond
itself, that is, it must place itself in the new world in which we all
now live—the “globalized world.” In this new era we have to
question restrictive ideas concerning identity. This is where what I
call ummatic universalism has a distinct advantage because Muslim
identity is not defined to the here and now of the globalization
phenomenon; it extends the exclusive space of the here and now back to
the beginning of man’s creation through our prophetic father Adam
and to the final hour when the universe and everything in it will be
reclaimed by its owner, God. In this context identity has no
fixed definition and the term Muslim is not an identity but,
rather, a state of being. By this I mean a Muslim defines
someone who is in peaceful submission to God.
IOL:
You shed the light on the notion that cosmopolitan
citizenship seeks to rectify this by giving power back to the
individual and local communities. The theory builds on the ideal that
as “citizens of the world” people should have a sense of
citizenship that can travel with them and can be accepted by whichever
community they decide to base themselves in. This ideal of a global
community is compatible with the Islamic notion of a global Ummah. How
can the Muslims contribute in the formulation of that new concept of
citizenship?
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The
right to dissent religiously and politically is eroding.
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Seddon:
I think I have largely answered this
question in a previous one, but for me the defining difference between
“belonging to the Ummah” and “being a citizen of the world” is
that citizenry implies the legitimacy and unreserved sovereignty of
the state in which the individual and the state enter into an implicit
and unwritten “social contract” in which rights of the citizen are
granted by the state, providing loyalty and fidelity are unquestioned.
For people who define themselves primarily through their religious
beliefs, it is only God Who is the unreserved sovereign.
I
am extremely wary of citizenry largely because I come from a society
and culture that has a great history and tradition of religious and
political dissent and this new form of nationality—citizenry or
citizenship—appears to bind the individual in an unbalanced
hegemonic power relationship with the state. I believe that states and
their governments are merely representatives of the people and rule by
mutual consent, ruled through power invested by the people. In the
developing citizenship-style states and their governments, the
implicit “social contract” is becoming less and less optional,
meaning that the right to dissent religiously and politically is
becoming eroded in a politic where the will of the people is becoming
exclusively decided by the state and its apparatus. If this system is
allowed to impose itself globally, I believe it will have dire
consequences for freedom of humanity.
Boundaries
Against Integration
IOL:
You mentioned that the invisible boundary against integration is a
wall with many bricks—bricks such as language, faith, culture,
identity, tradition, economic standing, education, employment,
prejudice—the list goes on. How can the Muslim communities face
these obstacles, especially the underachievement in education and
employment?
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We
should avoid becoming victims of our own self-exclusion.
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Seddon:
I believe that the best form of help
is self-help, and tackling issues of social exclusion—whether in
education, employment, culture, etc.—will require that Muslims
create their own opportunities. This is already happening in
education, for example. We have around 138 Muslim faith schools in
Britain with 5 higher education institutes awarding British degrees.
In the field of employment, Muslims are 3% above the national average
of self-employed. Culturally, British Muslims are challenging the
notions and definitions of what it means to be British as they
maintain their traditional religious identity whilst negotiating new
forms of Britishness.
We
should avoid becoming victims of our own self-exclusion, and wherever
we can make positive in-roads into the mainstream we are obliged, as
Muslims, to do so. All of the above does not relinquish the
responsibility of Western governments to respond to the needs of their
Muslim citizens and to facilitate their full participation and equal
place in the country to which they now belong.
IOL:
What are the channels that should be taken by Muslims to evolve their
understanding of “Islamic activism”? Is it possible for a Muslim
in Europe to contribute in the different fields to live Islam rather
than to talk to the people about it?
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We
must become the moral conscience and spiritual harbingers of our
Western and European counterparts.
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Seddon:
We cannot offer the Western world
anything materially nor can we compete with them militarily,
scientifically, or politically. Instead, we have something that the
West no longer has—that is religious fidelity and moral integrity,
and it is here that we must remind the West (and the rest) where they
are causing great spiritual harm and moral damage to themselves and to
the rest of the world. We must become the moral conscience and
spiritual harbingers of our Western and European counterparts, but
this will not come about by maintaining a victim mentality.
Yes,
we have suffered under the imperialism and colonialism of Western
nation-states, but we cannot allow ourselves to be continually yoked
by the past. Prolonging a victim status harbors a mindless hatred and
provides an excuse for inactivity and perpetual sufferance. Islam is a
religion of selfless service (khidmah), and while we may be
unable to give economically, we can serve the communities in which we
live by helping to make them a better place to live through our
neighborliness and kindness. We also can raise moral objections to
unethical developments in our societies, genetic crops, human cloning,
pre-emptive military strikes, etc. We can only achieve this by seeking
the common good through appealing to the moral and spiritual natural
disposition (fitrah) of our brothers and sisters in humanity.
If
Muslims want to be active, then let them be busy in good works (`amal
salih). We can evoke a sense of purpose and meaning to life by
reminding of all of our spiritual origins and of our final
destination. This is the kind of “Islamic activism” I would wish
to see.
IOL:
You mentioned that most of the studies consider Islam incapable of
rooting itself within British culture and civilization, that it is
somehow linguistically “chained” to somewhere else. According to
these fears, how can you evaluate the importation of Islamic thought
from the East? I mean, what the European Muslims should take and
leave?
Seddon:
Again another very good question! I
consider myself a traditionalist. Understanding Arabic is a
prerequisite to understanding the Qur’an, and therefore I believe
that maintaining, preserving, and developing our traditional `ulema
is essential to our continued ideas about our religion and ourselves.
However, like the traditional scholars of deen, I am aware that
Muslims should respond to their new social and cultural environments.
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The
`ulema need to respond to a completely new set of social
and cultural problems.
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The
situation of Muslims in the West is far removed from those living in
the traditional Muslim spaces where society is dominated by Islam,
historically, culturally, linguistically, socially, and politically.
In traditional Muslim spaces, there is an unspoken engagement with
Islam that permeates every aspect of life regardless of how religious
individuals may or may not be. In this environment, traditional
scholars understand the society in which they live and the society
understands them. Where Muslims live as minorities, particularly where
their presence is a relatively new one, the `ulema need to
respond to a completely new set of social and cultural problems. This
requires serious research and study instead of transposing ready-made
solutions created under different circumstances. This is the challenge
facing our respected `ulema today, and I believe, along with
many others, that part of the solution lies in training traditional `ulema
in traditional Islamic sciences—fiqh, tafseer, hadith,
etc.—here in the West so that they can serve their communities in a
much more informed way.
Overseas
and Domestic Agenda
IOL:
How can studying the important turning points such as The Satanic
Verses and the Gulf War help in understanding the development of
the social and political role of the British Muslims? How can you
evaluate the different reactions of the Muslim organizations toward
the overseas and the domestic issues varying from the coordination
with the government to the coalition with the anti-globalization
movement?
Seddon:
For any society to move forward and
progress, it has to learn from its history, from its mistakes, and
from its successes. British Muslims are aware of how their image
changed after both the Satanic Verses Affair and the first Gulf
War, and they responded accordingly, organizing both locally and
nationally to create a representative body that could enter into
dialogue with the government. There has been some progress in this
field, and the process of representation is still developing. Links
and cooperation with the wider society through organizations like the
anti-war coalition and the anti-globalization movement are also on the
increase as Muslims here in the West extend their political spheres of
interest.
IOL:
Do you think that imaging Islam and Muslims becomes the role of
literature and media after it has been the role of Orientalism? How do
you consider the new waves of Orientalism in contemporary time?
Seddon:
Addressing issues of Muslim
representation in the media requires both active protection through
government anti-Islamophobia legislation and continued monitoring and
lobbying of the Muslim community in order to counter-balance the
negative and prejudiced stereotypes. Again, things are slowly
beginning to change as Muslims take up professional posts in the
media, academia, and politics. At the moment, however, Muslims are the
“perpetuated other” in some of the representations of the
“neo-Orientalists” in the media and academia.
The
Converted Muslims: A Double Challenge
IOL:
The converts to Islam may face a double challenge in their societies.
What do you think about that? How can they contribute more effectively
in bridging the gaps?
Seddon:
The double challenge of the convert is
the acceptance of his or her former society and community in
acknowledging the legitimacy of their new Muslim faith, and the
acceptance of the established Muslim community of him or her as the
genuine Muslim article. I might also answer your question with the
question “when does one stop being a convert?” We never think of
the Prophet’s community as “converts” but all of them were,
without exception. Converts should not internalize the reserved
acceptance by other “more qualified” Muslims. Instead they should
do what the Prophet’s community did—learn their deen to the
best of the knowledge and ability and then, wherever possible, teach
it. It is through this process that one qualifies oneself as the
genuine article. On another level, I believe that the Muslim convert
communities of Europe are important cultural bridge builders between
both communities, and in this sense they have an almost unique role to
play. This is particularly true when it comes to expressing Islam in a
Western cultural context, if you like, in the process of the
indigenization of Islam.
Related
Links:
*
Dalia
Yusuf is IslamOnline.net’s European Muslims specialist. She
is a graduate of English and Comparative Literature from Cairo
University, where she also received her postgraduate diploma in
journalism. You can reach her at Bridge@islam-online.net
