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Is
it an interim phase in which “French Islam” will be
recognized? |
The
call to wear the bandana as an alternative to the hijab, the
governmental prerequisite that mosque imams speak French fluently, the
French Islamic rap songs that the second generation of French Muslim
youth listen to…. Is all of this an omen to the emergence of what
could be called “French Islam” or “Francophone Islam”?
Is
it a refashioning of the relationship between the French State and
Islam, so that Muslims, considered a new cultural composition, be
fully merged into the French Judeo-Christian culture and heritage? Is
it an interim phase in which “French Islam” will be recognized and
will no longer be considered a foreign religion-a label that has stuck
to it since the 1950s when the first waves of North African workers
reached the country? Or is it a process of Westernizing and
Christianizing Islam, a process that aims at stripping it from its
political, cultural, and social particularities so that it falls in
line with the Western concept of religion, the secular concept that
religion is but an individual affair.
In
his book The France of Mosques, Xavier Ternisien sees that the
birth of a “French Islam” is inevitable but will take some time,
maybe a decade or two. The great majority of the new Arab-Islamic
generation who were born in France, he believes, do not speak Arabic;
but most of them are keen on their religion, as manifested in their
dress or daily dealings. The manifestations of a “French Islam”
have begun to be more sharply outlined in the emergence of
French-Muslim media, such as the Reflection newspaper,
published by some Parisian Muslim youth, and the francophone oumma
Web site, which briefs the status quo
of Islam and Muslims in France.
Sarkozy
and the Three Steps
In
this context, to grasp France’s standpoint toward Islam, one cannot
ignore the most important expression maintained throughout the whole
discussion-“French Islam.” This expression was uttered for the
first time by the former Interior Minister and current Industry
Minister Nicolas Sarkozy, on April 19, 2003, during the twentieth
Conference of the Union of Islamic Organizations of France. On that
same day, Sarkozy-the most outstanding candidate for the 2007
presidential elections-kindled an on-going debate on the issue of
hijab and on his attending the Conference of the Union of Islamic
Organizations; he being the first interior minister to have done so.
That visit had been described by Jean-Marie Le Pen, head of the
extreme-right National Front, as “a visit to the wasps’ nest.”
There
is no doubt that Nicolas Sarkozy, by whose support the first council
representing Muslims in France has been founded,1
was mindful of the reaction of the thousands listening to his speech
that day, when he said, “We don't want Islam in France; we want a
French Islam.” He then declared that on the national identity card,
the cardholder must be photographed bare-headed, which triggered
protests from hundreds of hijab-wearing women who interrupted his
speech by loud screams.
One
year after Sarkozy’s speech, the meanings implicit in the phrase “French
Islam” were crystallized more accurately and clearly. The French
government, despite the ministerial change in which Dominique de
Villepin succeeded Sarkozy as interior minister, has managed to tackle
French Islam through three steps:
The
first step is a legislation banning hijab in public schools and
institutes through a vote on February 10, 2003, known as “protection
of the law of laїcité.” This was the most important
governmental reaction to a report by the Stasi Commission, which was
set up by President Chirac in order to examine compliance with
secularity in France.
The
second step is the bringing forth the issues of the mosque imams and
the necessity of founding a French body whose mission is to prepare
such imams. Once the hijab issue had cooled off, the issue of
banishing the Salafi imam Abdul-Qader bin Zayn to Algeria2
flared up, after he stated in a local magazine in Leon that “beating
wives might be permissible.” The imam issue has been put forward by
the French Interior Ministry-considered the negotiating party in
religious matters-for the Islamic organizations to discuss because,
according to Interior Minister Dominique de Villepin, “There is no
place for mosque imams who do not speak French fluently and who do not
respect its basics.”
The
third step taken by the French government manifests itself in
supporting the liberal trend in the Muslim community, so that it
becomes “French Islam’s” mouthpiece. Dalil Abu Bakr, head of the
French Council for the Islamic Faith and dean of the Mosque of Paris,
has taken upon himself to play that role, he being backed up on the
media level by the writer Malik Shubayil and the Algerian-born thinker
Mohammed Arkon. On the public societies level, Fadila Imara,
chairwoman of the “no prostitution, no submission” movement,
presented herself as the invincible barrier against the hijab
proliferation in French cities and districts.
Essential
Prerequisites
There
is no doubt that the French government’s treatment of the issue of
Islamic presence in France is influenced by a present necessity to
contain that fast-growing religion whose rank (based on the number of
its followers) has become second to Catholicism, surpassing both
Protestantism and Judaism. The French government, seeing that the
Muslim population is about six million and originally from Morocco,
North Africa, and Turkey, has thought to incorporate Islam into the
republic, emphasizing two essential prerequisites.
The
first is that a French form of Islam would never clash with the values
of the republic, such as the absolute equality between man and woman
and the freedom of partner choice. The question has been raised here
of the refusal of some French hijab-wearing females to see male
doctors in hospitals3 and the
question of endowing French girls of North African origin the right to
choose their future husbands-a French survey has shown that 70,000
girls are being forced by their parents to marry men they do not like.
The
second entails the giving-up of all expressions and rulings preached
by the “Arab Islam.” There is no room in “French Islam” to
discuss the enforcement of the Shari`ah (Islamic Law) and its
punishments. One recalls here the live dialogue held between the Swiss
thinker Tariq Ramadan and then Interior Minister Nicolas Sarkozy4
on the issue of lashing some types of criminals in Islamic Law. Tariq
Ramadan, Hassan Al-Banna’s grandson5,
was tongue-tied in embarrassment before thousands of his youthful
followers in Paris before he said briefly that “the matter requires
a pedagogic work” without being decisive on that issue. It must be
noted that Ramadan has been preaching “a European Islam” in his
writings, a form of Islam which would adapt to its environment, though
would not be fully separated from the “Arab Islam.”
Searching
for a Model
Rejecting
any form of non-French Islam is considered the main guarantee for the
birth of a “French Islam,” which would bear its own French
peculiarities and republican values and would merge into the French
social and cultural composition. Olivier Roi, a French specialist in
Islamics, explained to IslamOnline.net, “The problem now is that
newly-born Islam is still searching for a model to follow, a problem
which has its own historical roots. The Muslim presence in the West,
for the first time in Islamic history, is that of a minority, a status
quo very different from past historical phases.” Is then, the
coinage “French Islam” simply an attempt to secularize Islam and
adapt it to French principles, alienating it from its collective
spirit and incorporating it into the designated Western sense of
religion-an individual affair?
Shouldn’t
it be obvious then, that wearing hijab is an individual affair? In
fact, the hijab-ban law has triggered protests from Christian and
Jewish men of religion, a huge number of French intelligentsia, and
many specialists in “French Islam,” such as Cebrino Itianne,
Olivier Roi, and François Bourger, and has elicited different points
of view among French parties. It seems, therefore, that it is a must
for “French Islam,” which would be deemed in line with French
values, to be “invisible”-an adjective included in the text of the
law on the laїcité and dug out from the La Rousse
dictionary by the collective effort of the 20 “sages” who made up
the Stasi Commission. But does not the word invisible, in its
essence, contradict the Right of Difference, which is one of the main
pillars upon which the French Revolution is based?
Nobody
doubts that the freedom enjoyed by French Muslims surpasses in many
instances the freedom they enjoyed in their countries of origin. It is
also widely known that France hosts many figures affiliated with North
African religious movements persecuted in their countries of origin,
such as the Algerian Rescue Front and the Tunisian Renaissance
Movement.
Fears
and Analysis
Some
of the French authorities’ fears toward the influences of
“political Islam” on the French community stem originally from the
notable influence of the Moroccan Islamic movements on French Muslims.
The Moroccan Justice and Charity movement (Al-Adl Wal Ihsan) has an
apparent influence on immigrants of Moroccan origin, while the
influence of the Muslim Brotherhood on the Union of Islamic
Organizations in France is evident as well. Abu Jara Sultani, head of
the Algerian Peace Society movement, was the most outstanding guest of
honor during the Union’s 21st conference in the Paris precinct of
Bourges6.
If
the French model of Islam is the one which would distance itself from
the influence of non-French Islam, “it should be independent and
inconsistent with political Islam,” stated John-Paul Vit, chief
editor of the French magazine The World and Religions, to
IslamOnline.net. “It would be an Islam which would not embrace any
political or social project, because it is presumed that the Republic
and its values are the sole project which contains any other project,
culture and/or religion. The 1905 legislation maintains that the
French State does not adopt any religion, and guarantees the freedom
to embrace any religion at the same time.”
The
expression invisible Islam, mentioned in the hijab-ban
legislation, represents the French authorities’ view of the desired
Islam, an “inner Islam” that does not manifest itself in religious
symbols that might hurt the public taste and violate secularism. The
invisible or inner Islam is but the Sufi form of Islam. Eric Geoffrey,
one of the most distinguished members of the French Council of the
Islamic Faith, a convert to Islam and a professor-instructor at the
University of Luxemburg, predicted to IslamOnline.net that “the
future of French Islam is but a Sufi future.” Is not religious
Sufism, in its deepest sense, one of laїcité's
expressions, in that it represents an individual yearning to the
absolute and to religion, away from the community's coercions and from
the social aspects of religion?
Regardless
of the one color of Islam that France would like to authorize, there
is no doubt that an Islam with its own unique characteristics
is being incubated, one which would neither be severed from its
Arab-Islamic roots nor cut off from its Western, secular, French
environment: in effect, a Francophone Islam.
[1]
In May 2003, the first meeting for the foundation of the French
Council of the Islamic Faith was held. This was the first body to
represent French Muslims before the French authorities.
[2]
A French court later ruled that he return to
France
.
[3]
Report of Bernard Stasi’s commission, mandated by President Chirac.
[4]
100 Minutes Persuasion, TV program broadcast on the French Channel 2,
November, 2003.
[5]
The Swiss thinker Tariq Ramadan is grandson to
Hassan
Al-Banna
, founder of the international Muslim Brotherhood group.
[6]
Bourges
is an area north of
Paris
where the annual conference of the Union of Islamic Organizations in
France
is held.
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